To what extent does language policy affect or have an impact on the quality of democracy? In third wave democracies of sub-Saharan Africa, a diglossic language policy--the type of policy that organizes the languages of the community in an asymmetrical manner, in which the language of the former colonial power assumes political and social predominance--constitutes a powerful hindrance to engaging citizenship. Such a policy perpetuates the linguistic divide between the state and society. Subsequently, ordinary citizens' political departicipation ensues, with serious consequences on the quality of democracy. Deriving from the data gathered in Praia, Cape Verde, through a combination of archival research, informed direct and focus groups interviews, during summers of 2010 and 2011, I argue that diglossic language policy limits the quality of democracy by way of lower classes' diminished surveillatory and initiatory political participation. Diglossic language policy creates and reinforces a state that is linguistically detached from society. The state, as such, is illegible to the non-high language speakers, who may find it very difficult to follow its operations, procedures, and processes. Ultimately, state illegibility breeds low levels of surveillatory participation on the part of non-high language speakers. Inability to "read" the state translates into failure to properly supervise it. At the same time, initiatory political participation, the entering and engaging in political discussion and deliberation with peers or state agents, is also constrained. This state of affairs derives from: a) inaudibility, the notion that political communication in the vernacular is of less value; and b) ridicule, the idea that to speak the high language incorrectly is to succumb to public derision, a condition that invalidates the message. In the final analysis, diglossic language policy preserves the divide between elite and masses, whereby the latter participation in politics is limited to voting. While it creates the conditions for political effervescence at the top, through elite pluralism and competition, the Schumpeterian elite democracy freezes the bottom. Given the limited forms of political participation of ordinary citizens, states with diglossic language policy, such as Cape Verde, should not be considered quality democracies.

The purpose of this dissertation was to address the problem expressed in the following question: "Why have the opposition political parties in Lesotho weakened since 1993?" A qualitative approach was used. The researcher interviewed officials of twelve representative parties out of the total of eighteen parties. The responses of the interviewees are in appendix 5. This work reveals the problems of the opposition parties in Lesotho. Among others, the study addressed the following issues: the reform of the electoral system, political party funding, dominance of the ruling party, prohibitive legislation and party leadership. The potential strengths and weaknesses of the opposition parties have been noted. The MMP electoral model, introduced in 2001 and tested in 2002, created a more inclusive party system, but it is not the sole solution for the weakness of the opposition parties. Patronisation and lack of political party funding appear to be major factors. / Political Sciences / M. A. (Politics)

資本全球擴展至今已經令我們的時代傷痕累累，各種各樣的社會運動應運而生，試圖突破現局。香港近年幾起以空間為本位的社會運動都甚為引人注目，其中利東街社區運動可謂開風氣之先，草擬了香港首份民間規劃方案──啞鈴方案，此後受拆遷影響的社區除了選擇賠償和安置以外，還可以選擇集體抗爭爭取民間規劃。提出了香港首份民間規劃劃方案固然意義重大，不過利東街社區運動留給我們遠不止於此。本論文從頭梳理一遍利東街社區運動的經驗，由一九九八年土地發展公司正式宣佈重建利東街，至市區重建局接手後利東街街坊成立H15重建關注組、提出爭取賠償安置以外的訴求、及後草擬啞鈴方案爭取落實以人為本的規劃。雖然啞鈴方案最後不獲局方接受，無法落實，卻為社區所可以有的政治意義帶來豐富的內容。本論文透過整理利東街社區運動的經驗，歸納並提出社區在資本主義全球化下所能夠展現出來的政治意義。 / The global expansion of capital has brought to our contemporaries wounds and scars, leading thereby to social movements of all types. In the recent years in Honk Kong, we have witnessed many social movements concerned with spatial issues, among them some are more eye-catching while some of them not. Lee Tung Street community movement, among all the spatially minded social movements, is one with exceptional importance. It has marked a new beginning for other community movements by proposing the first ever community-based redevelopment plan ──Dumbbell Proposal. Although the Dumbbell was rejected in the end despite untiring efforts from the Lee Tung Street community and supports from various public ranks, Lee Tung Street community movement has left us with an enriched concept of "community", which is filled with political meanings, and potentials to fight the hegemonic capitalist globality. This thesis will consolidate experiences in different stages of Lee Tung Street community movement, from the time when Land Development Company first announced the redevelopment project, to the period when the community organized themselves into a group called H15 concern group which launched the famous Dumbbell Proposal. From these events, I will extract and explain the political meanings of "community", which paves a way for alternatives in our globalized society. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳倩玉. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-113). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chen Qianyu.

by Leung Hon-chu. / Bibliography: leaves 124-131 / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1986

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段？本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素：交換、強制、動員，重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念，進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下，三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型，它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 / 運用這一理論分析框架，作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性，這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化，決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後，仍舊是行之有效的治理手段，並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是，隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長，以及黨組織自身的日益科層化，在改革開放時期，動員逐漸被有意識的弱化，由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 / Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term ‘mobilization’ in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior’s motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. / Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party’s political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ruling position, and it constituted a major legitimate basis of the party’s ruling of the country together with the faithful pursuit of effective ‘mass line’ tactics. However, as the party’s coercion capacity and material resources grew over the years and it was getting more hierarchical, mobilization has been weakened and ignored, which led to the gradual failing of the party’s daily mass work and social control. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 汪衛華. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-191). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wang Weihua. / 內容摘要 --- p.i / 绪 言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 本文主题与研究目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 城市动迁的悲喜剧 --- p.3 / 《蜗居》：强制拆迁悲剧 --- p.3 / 《乔迁之喜》：动迁本来面目 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 动迁=“动员搬迁 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 作为工作方法的动员：概念与分析框架 --- p.12 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员三义 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、 --- 交换 --- p.17 / Chapter 三、 --- 解决公共问题的三种手段 --- p.19 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为集体行动的社会动员 --- p.25 / Chapter 五、 --- 作为发展手段的社会动员 --- p.28 / Chapter 六、 --- 常规政治与动员政治 --- p.30 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中国共产党的社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 一、 --- 群众运动与社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 二、 --- 群众路线与社会动员 --- p.39 / 发动者 --- p.40 / 发动者与动员对象的关系 --- p.42 / 动员对象--群众 --- p.43 / Chapter 三、 --- 阶级分析与社会动员 --- p.45 / 阶级情感 --- p.46 / 情感与利益 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、 --- 组织特性与社会动员 --- p.50 / Chapter 五、 --- 客观条件 --- p.53 / Chapter 六、 --- 微观机制与宏观效果：纵向历史比较的价值 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三章 --- 动员之起：从对抗政治到非对抗政治 --- p.61 / Chapter 一、 --- 安源经验：组织核心与动员技巧 --- p.61 / Chapter 二、 --- 农民运动：有组织动员与自发暴力 --- p.69 / Chapter 三、 --- 查田运动：社会动员 --- p.76 / 查田运动 --- p.77 / 群众工作方法 --- p.81 / “左倾偏向 --- p.83 / 基本经验：通过乡村基层政权网络进行社会动员 --- p.85 / Chapter 四、 --- 延安道路：中共群众动员模式的定型 --- p.89 / 延安道路 --- p.89 / 抗战背景下党组织的发展 --- p.91 / 动员式治理的初步实践：大生产与减租减息 --- p.99 / “大胆放手 --- p.103 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.108 / Chapter 第四章 --- 动员之承：动员式治理与科层化 --- p.112 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员式治理主导地位的确立：客观条件与主动选择 --- p.113 / 以动员式治理为主导的客观条件 --- p.114 / 对动员式治理的主动选择 --- p.117 / Chapter 二、 --- 动员组织与科层化的党和国家：矛盾的结合体 --- p.121 / 三重矛盾 --- p.122 / 两种组合 --- p.127 / Chapter 三、 --- 动员青年建设边疆：动员治理与科层管理结合的经验 --- p.129 / 青年垦荒队的示范意义与实际效果 --- p.129 / 大跃进时期的支边移民 --- p.132 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为参照的水库移民：欠制度化 --- p.137 / 前三十年水库移民概况 --- p.137 / 水库移民返迁问题 --- p.139 / Chapter 五、 --- 动员失灵？案例比较与本章小结 --- p.142 / Chapter 第五章 --- 动员之转：群众路线言与行 --- p.145 / Chapter 一、 --- 不再发动群众的群众路线 --- p.145 / Chapter 二、 --- 《人民日报》中反映出的变化 --- p.147 / Chapter 三、 --- 组织基础的变化 --- p.153 / 党员队伍的过度壮大 --- p.153 / 基层组织的转型 --- p.154 / 向专业化迈进 --- p.157 / Chapter 四、 --- 上海城市居民委员会变迁的实例：再行政化？ --- p.158 / 改革开放前的上海城市居委会 --- p.158 / “两级政、三级管理与“四级网络 --- p.161 / 居民委员会的功能转型 --- p.165 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.169 / Chapter 第六章 --- 重拾群众动员？结论与展望 --- p.170 / 人民主体地位，人民首创精神：官方话语回归的信号 --- p.171 / 动员何以重要 --- p.172 / 动员传统还可能恢复吗？ --- p.174 / 替代方案？ --- p.177 / 参考文献 --- p.179

Tsang Chun Wing. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [98-103]). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgement --- p.i / Abbreviations --- p.ii / List of tables and figures --- p.iii / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 / Plan of the Dissertation --- p.3 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Demonstrating The Electoral Decline --- p.5 / The Changing Hong Kong Electorate --- p.5 / The Electoral Decline of DP --- p.10 / Aggregate vs. Individual Changes --- p.14 / The DP Voters --- p.19 / Chapter Chapter Three --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: Hints From Literature --- p.29 / Electoral Change in Western Democracies --- p.29 / Factors of Voting Behavior --- p.35 / Voting Behavior Studies in Hong Kong --- p.41 / Chapter Chapter Four --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: A Speculation --- p.48 / Societal Changes in Hong Kong --- p.49 / Political Attitudes --- p.54 / Hypothesis --- p.64 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Explaining The Electoral Decline: Testing The Hypothesis --- p.65 / Measurement of Variables --- p.65 / Findings: Bivariate Analysis --- p.71 / Findings: Multivariate Analysis --- p.75 / Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion --- p.83 / The Electoral Decline of DP: The Story in Summary --- p.83 / Limitations --- p.87 / At the End --- p.93 / Bibliography --- p.98

Xia, Ying. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-164). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

published_or_final_version / Urban Studies / Master / Master of Social Sciences

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Sciences

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