Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:42:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Borgo, Guilherme Augusto Marenda.pdf: 1969133 bytes, checksum: 3d96d95fbc1b12c45c3bca31385787ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present research is aimed to qualify political organizations of youngsters from the city of Irati, PR, in 2013. In order to do so, it was sought to identify the organizations’ practices, their ways of conducting them and their conceptions of world and teleologies by taking as references some dimensions of the praxis category. It is a qualitative, dialectical-based research using documentary and bibliographical research as data collection tools in addition to field research. Initially, twenty-two forms were applied to the twenty-six organizations identified in the municipality, and organizations with political participation were selected based on the criteria of participation in public spaces of decision making, space for development and political debates, and/or search for the structural transformation of society. Considering this scenario, fifteen organizations were identified and invited to participate in the second stage of the research, which consisted of the attendant’s observation and participation in the Círculo de Cultura (Circle of Culture). Data analysis was carried out through content analysis in nine categories: origins, practices, material conditions, public receiver, external relations, internal relations, organizational arrangements, world conceptions, and purposes. Among the major results, the influence of parent institutions in the development of the demands and identities of the organizations was identified. Their practices are indicated by the production and diffusion of interpretations of social reality, while its conceptions of the world are divided into those based on elements of common sense (empirical), those based on Marxist referential and its derivations, and a third group of those whose theoretical framework is presented in a hybrid and non-systematized manner. Organizations with few resources and little structure prevail, and they have a range of actions at local or municipal level towards society and the youngsters of the organization itself. Most organizations have a partnership with other organizations and social movements for networks and forums, connecting their local demands to actions at a global level. Internally, it was observed that most organizations have a number of participants of less than twenty people, and that a significant part of these participants is linked to more than one organization. Moreover, switching of and from the organizations results in consequences such as the problem of inheritance (material and symbolic), which tends to be lost, besides the oscillation of the organizations once they can have periods of inactivity. Organizational arrangements based on the assembly-direction system predominate, but horizontality is also significant. It was noticed that two-thirds of the surveyed organizations’ purpose are related to protection and guarantee of rights. The overcoming of the capitalist system and the construction of socialism were identified in six organizations, and almost all of them presume that educational processes and methodological experiences are valid to construct socialism. In the experiences regarding the council and conference for youth, we saw an inter-organization action that led to the rise of the youngsters as collective subject in the city sphere. In the demonstrations held in Brazil in June 2013, the principle of horizontality was observed, as well as rejection of conventional structures of power and organization by means of social networks. / A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo realizar uma caracterização das organizações políticas de jovens do município de Irati-PR, atuantes no ano de 2013. Para tanto, buscou identificar nas organizações quais as suas práticas, seus modos de realizá-las, bem como suas concepções de mundo e teleologias, tendo como referências algumas dimensões da categoria práxis. Tratou-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa de método dialético que utilizou como instrumentos de coleta de dados a pesquisa documental e bibliográfica, além da pesquisa de campo. Nesta, inicialmente foram aplicados formulários a 22, das 26 organizações de jovens identificadas no município. Em seguida, foram selecionadas organizações que tivessem participação política a partir dos critérios: participação em espaços públicos de tomada de decisão; realização de espaços de formação e debates políticos e/ou busca pela transformação estrutural da sociedade. Neste recorte, foram identificadas 15 organizações de jovens, que foram convidadas a participar do segundo momento da pesquisa, que consistia na observação participante e participação no Círculo de Cultura. A análise dos dados foi realizada por meio da Análise de Conteúdo, sendo trabalhadas nove categorias: origens; práticas; condições materiais; público destinatário; relações externas; relações internas; arranjos organizacionais; concepções de mundo e finalidades. Dentre os principais resultados, identificou-se a influência das instituições-matriz na formação das demandas e identidades das organizações. Suas práticas são marcadas pela produção e difusão de interpretações da realidade social e suas concepções de mundo dividem-se entre as que se fundamentam em elementos do senso comum (empírico), aquelas que se baseiam em referenciais marxistas e suas derivações e um terceiro grupo daquelas cujo referencial teórico se apresenta de maneira híbrida e não sistematizada. Predominam as organizações que possuem poucos recursos e escassa estrutura, com abrangência de ações a nível local ou municipal, direcionadas para a sociedade e para as/os jovens da própria organização. A maior parte das organizações mantêm parcerias com outras organizações e movimentos sociais, no sentido de redes e fóruns, conectando suas demandas locais às ações em nível global. Internamente, observou-se que a maioria das organizações tem um número de participantes inferior a 20 pessoas e que uma parte significativa destes participantes vincula-se a mais de uma organização. Também a transitoriedade, das e nas organizações, tem como consequências o problema da herança (material e simbólica), que tende a ser perdida, além da oscilação das organizações, que podem passar períodos desativadas. Predominam os arranjos organizacionais baseados no sistema assembleia-direção, sendo também significativo o da horizontalidade. Vimos que dois terços das organizações pesquisadas têm a garantia e defesa de direitos entre suas finalidades. A superação do sistema capitalista e construção do socialismo estiveram em seis organizações e quase todas apostam em processos educativos e de vivências metodologia na construção do socialismo. Nas experiências de conferência e conselho de juventude, vimos uma ação interorganizações que fez emergir para o município a/o jovem enquanto sujeito coletivo. Nas manifestações de junho, observamos o princípio da horizontalidade, a repulsa por estruturas convencionais de poder e a mobilização por meio das redes sociais.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:42:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Rosilda.pdf: 1411051 bytes, checksum: b1011e6837c86ed80ba820901d4f42ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work analyzes the possibility of a pedagogical dimension pertaining the political activity on Brazilian City Health Councils and what would this dimension. To do so we rely on different theoretical conceptions about democracy and the real democracy model which is practiced in Brazil.. The empirical evidences of this research are interviews with health councilors from the city of São Mateus do Sul, State of Paraná. It’s qualitative exploratory research that aims to approach the empirical reality of political participation and its pedagogical potential that – though sufficiently theorized – is not evident in itself. The data were collected through semi-structured interviews with a sample size corresponding to half of the representatives from the non-governmental segments – a total of 7 councilors. These data were collected on the course of the year 2016 and refer to the 2015-2016 term of the City’s Health council, and were arranged and analyzed using the content analysis technique with the following categories: experience and knowledge, conception of democracy, values associated to democratic practices and challenges to the council practice. From this study we infer that the council practice has a pedagogical dimension because it enables a learning beyond the instrumental and technical knowledge (bureaucratic, budgetary issues etc.): the research subjects show the ability to reflect uponm their own learning process and an extended democracy conception in comparison to the common-sense conception. On the other side we perceive a deficitary participation of civil society’s representative segment on behalf of the users segment’s participation – which could be related to a superficial diagnosis about the challenges of council practice. / Este trabalho analisa a possibilidade de a participação política nos Conselhos Municipais de Saúde ter uma dimensão pedagógica e qual seria essa dimensão. Para tanto, utiliza-se como suporte teórico diferentes concepções de democracia e o modelo concreto de democracia posto no Brasil. As evidências empíricas da pesquisa são entrevistas com os conselheiros municipais de saúde do município de São Mateus do Sul, Paraná. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa exploratória que visa a uma aproximação com a realidade empírica da participação política e o seu potencial pedagógico que, embora bastante teorizado, não é evidente em si mesmo. A coleta de dados foi feita por meio de entrevista semi estruturada, com amostra correspondente à metade dos representantes titulares dos segmentos não governamentais – 07 conselheiros. Os dados, coletados durante o ano de 2016 e referentes à gestão do Conselho Municipal de Saúde de 2015-2016, foram sistematizados e analisados mediante a técnica de análise de conteúdo, através das seguintes categorias: experiência e conhecimento, concepção de democracia, valores associados à prática democrática e desafios da prática conselhista. O estudo permite inferir uma dimensão pedagógica na prática conselhista, verificando-se que ela proporciona um aprendizado para além do técnico instrumental (questões burocráticas, orçamentárias, etc): os sujeitos de pesquisa demonstram refletir sobre o próprio aprendizado e apresentam uma concepção de democracia ampliada em relação ao senso comum. Por outro lado, vislumbra-se um déficit de participação do segmento representativo da sociedade civil no que diz respeito aos representantes do segmento usuários, fator que pode ser relacionado a um diagnóstico superficial sobre os desafios da prática conselhista.

As observações realizadas durante o projeto Psicologia comunitária e educação popular: um estudo das possíveis articulações nas práticas dos movimentos sociais, financiado pelo Programa Ensinar com Pesquisa, levantaram elementos para a discussão sobre os sofrimentos provocados pelo desenraizamento em jovens dos assentamentos do MST. Ao longo de nossa participação nas atividades do Movimento, observamos que os jovens dos assentamentos da Regional Grande São Paulo do MST enfrentavam diversos obstáculos ao seu pertencimento no lugar onde moram, tais como o sentimento de que quando viviam acampados os moradores eram mais unidos; a busca por espaços de convivência e socialização, bem como a busca por acesso aos centros urbanos; e os vários preconceitos e discriminações sofridos no bairro e na escola. Por isso, este projeto discute algumas das formas de resistências manifestadas pelos jovens em relação aos sofrimentos que vivem e em que medida os espaços de pertencimento ligados ao movimento sustentam experiências de elaboração de sofrimentos como o desenraizamento e a humilhação social. Para cumprir este objetivo, abordamos as articulações teóricas entre psicologia comunitária e educação popular, refletindo sobre as formas de apoio desenvolvidas pelos psicólogos aos movimentos sociais, cujas práticas são orientadas por um horizonte emancipatório, e continuamos participando de atividades do Movimento, de oficinas com os jovens assentados. Além disso, recolhemos histórias de vida de cinco jovens participantes do MST na regional grande São Paulo. Observamos, a partir das entrevistas e da participação nas atividades do Movimento e nas oficinas, que as diferentes formas de participação nas comunas deixam nos jovens assentados marcas pelas quais é possível reconhecer a importância do Movimento em suas vidas. Os relatos guardam boas lembranças da infância em meio à precariedade dos acampamentos e mostram como os jovens não são passivos as manifestações de desrespeito por eles sofridas, reagindo às violências morais e físicas que vivem em seu cotidiano, seja, por exemplo, na busca do diálogo com a diretoria de uma escola que frequentam ou se unindo e confrontando a violência que sofrem. Compreendemos que o apontamento dessas formas de resistência contribui para a militância fortalecer a participação política desses jovens no Movimento. Esse fortalecimento, por sua vez, contribui na construção da autonomia dos jovens assentados, construída na participação em uma coletividade e que se realiza no reconhecimento de que dependemos uns dos outros, uma dependência que não é subserviência ou submissão, mas reconhecimento de que a nossa humanidade depende do reconhecimento mútuo da humanidade no outro, ou seja, a experiência compartilhada de enraizamento / The observations made during the project \"Community psychology and popular education: a study of possible links in the social movements practices\", funded by the Program Teaching with Research, raised elements for discussion about the sufferings caused by the uprooting of young people of the MST settlements. Throughout our participation in the Movement\'s activities, we observed that the youth of settlements Regional Greater São Paulo MST faced many obstacles to its membership in the place where they live, such as the feeling that when they lived camped residents were more united; the search for living spaces and socialization, as well as the search for access to urban centers; and the various prejudices and discrimination suffered in the neighborhood and at school. Therefore, this project discusses some of the forms of resistance expressed by young people in relation to the suffering living and to what extent the membership of areas linked to movement support development experiences of suffering as the uprooting and social humiliation. To meet this goal, we approach the theoretical links between community psychology and popular education, reflecting on the forms of support developed by psychologists to social movements, whose practices are guided by an emancipatory horizon, and continue participating in movement activities, workshops with young settlers. Also, we collect life stories of five young participants of the MST in major regional São Paulo. Noted, the interviews and participation in the Movement activities and workshops, the different forms of participation in the communes make us young settlers marks by which you can recognize the importance of the Movement in their lives. Reports keep good memories of childhood amid the precariousness of the camps and show how young people are not passive demonstrations of disrespect they suffered, reacting to the moral and physical violence living in their daily lives, is, for example, in the search for dialogue with the board of a school attending or joining confronting violence and suffering. We understand that the appointment of these forms of resistance contributes to the militancy to strengthen the political participation of these young people in the Movement. This strengthening, in turn, contributes to the construction of autonomy of the settlers young, built on participation in a community and to be held in recognition that depend on each other, a dependence that is not subservience or submission, but recognition that our humanity depends on humanity\'s mutual recognition on the other, that is, the shared experience of rooting

Foi realizada pesquisa qualitativa que trata da atuação de imigrantes no Conselho Participativo Municipal de São Paulo, refletindo sobre participação política de migrantes internacionais a luz de uma problemática que revela algumas das limitações da congruência construída entre nacionalidade e cidadania. O estudo foi desenvolvido com o objetivo de analisar a atuação dos conselheiros imigrantes no Conselho Participativo Municipal, procurando compreender como se articulam termos como cidadania e nacionalidade, a partir da experiência inédita na qual imigrantes puderam tomar parte, como votantes e votados, em uma eleição no Brasil. A construção teórica se apoia especialmente na literatura sobre cidadania e nacionalidade no contexto do Estado-nação, cidadania e migrações internacionais e em estudos sobre conselhos participativos. O principal instrumento utilizado foi a entrevista semiestruturada. Foram entrevistados nove conselheiros municipais imigrantes. As entrevistas foram analisadas com uso de mapas dialógicos, organizados em categorias analíticas, que possibilitaram delinear os sentidos da participação no Conselho. As categorias levantadas foram: Experiência no Conselho Participativo Municipal, Vidas em movimento e Cidadania migrante. Os resultados evidenciam as consequências simbólicas e práticas da ausência do direito ao voto e as perspectivas dos imigrantes sobre a experiência no Conselho, participação política e cidadania / The qualitative study about immigrants in the Municipal Participatory Council of São Paulo debates political participation of international immigrants revealing some of the limitations of the congruence built between nationality and citizenship. The study was developed proposing the analysis of immigrant councilors participation the Municipal Participatory Council, seeking to understand how terms such as citizenship and nationality are articulated, based on the unprecedented experience in which immigrants took part, as voters and candidates, in an election in Brazil. The theoretical construction relies especially on the literature on citizenship and nationality in the context of the nation-state, citizenship and international migrations and in studies on participatory councils. The main instrument was the semi-structured interview. Nine immigrants councilors were interviewed. The interviews were analyzed using dialogical maps, organized in analytical categories that allowed to delineate the meanings of the participation in the Council. The categories were: Experience in the Municipal Participatory Council, Lives in Movement and Migrant Citizenship. The results show the symbolic and practical consequences of the absence of the right to vote and the perspectives of the immigrants on the experience in the Council, political participation and citizenship

This thesis presents a critical disability discourse analysis. It examines the discursive construction of disability and the personal and political positioning of disabled people. Focusing on disclosure, identity, activism, theory and policy issues relating to disabled people, the naturalisation and invalidation of the disabled body is explored and critiqued. Organised in three parts, the thesis begins by considering some significant historical moments, the sociolegal context and the recent politicisation of both disabled people and disability research. Disability is argued as embedded in, and institutionalised by, political regulatory structures and research that risks de-politicisation of it is critiqued. Part two considers theories, methods and the text data collected for the research. This defines the theoretical orientation to discursive psychology, discourse analysis and critical disability studies. Disability is articulated as an object in, and for interaction and its construction linked to historical, social and political structures that regulate and sustain the human subject. The text data used in the thesis is then presented in terms of the collection process and the organisation of extracts within the current thesis. The forms of text data collected include transcriptions of discussion groups with disabled people, front line workers and senior managers, policy documents, publicity imagery and Hansard records of parliamentary debates. Part three then presents a critical disability discourse analysis using this text data. Drawing on the framework of discourse analysis as articulated by Potter and Wetherell (1987) the discursive function, construction and variation of disability talk and textwork is critically considered. This reveals dilemmas of positioning and ideology during moments of disability disclosure. Analytical commentary argues that disability identity is constructed by an interpretative repertoire embedded in the antithesis of desired and valued life. The construction of ‘barriers’ in social model texts are also explored in discussion groups and local policy documents. This shows the recent distortion and colonisation of the social model, and suggests that the metaphor of ‘barriers’ used to signify the structures that disable people has lost its once radical and resistive power. Hansard records are then used to explore implications and dilemmas which arise regarding agency, autonomy and the disabled body in relation to dominant discourses of individualism and the challenges this poses for an ‘independent living’ reform strategy. The thesis concludes by asserting a discursive mode of disablism. This is suggested as a useful driver for research and initiatives to expose and challenge everyday discourses and practises that perpetuate the invalidation of the disabled body.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-24T12:43:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Cinara Brito de Oliveira.pdf: 1056448 bytes, checksum: 6940153963dc52cc36aa61c353e25b17 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-24T12:43:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cinara Brito de Oliveira.pdf: 1056448 bytes, checksum: 6940153963dc52cc36aa61c353e25b17 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-26 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The crowd phenomenon has configured himself as the first object of study in social psychology, seen by pioneers as irrational, massifying and disturbing the social order, a concept that influenced a generation of researchers who began to play it and thus to justify repressive actions against them. As society was changing, due to the changes in the means of production, forms of collective action have also been altering and consequently emerging new theories explaining this reality, covering different areas of the humanities. Since 2011, a new form of mobilization of protests has been going around the world, largely by action of social networks. In Brazil, this phenomenon became visible in 2013, when a sequence of acts against the tariff increase in São Paulo won the majority of population (mostly young) support, forcing the media to change the way portrayed the protests going vandals of the peaceful protesters, featuring violent action as restricted to small groups deserving of police repression. The media has not just supported, but collaborate with the convocation of the protesters. The movement spread throughout the country gaining diffuse agendas and revealing a class struggle. Between the balance shown not only the withdrawal of the fare increase in several cities, but also changes in government agenda and the right of conscience to protest, unfolding in different movements representing different interests, culminating in the formation of two large groups, defense and against the impeachment of the country's president. Several analysts have retaking the idea of crowd as a politicians subject to explain these movements, in Brazil, the debate in psychology focuses on equivalence between social movements and crowd, with reference to the pioneers of this reflection: Freud and Le Bon, and Furthermore, the contemporary thinkers Negri and Hardt, who are inspired by Spinoza. To collaborate with this debate, this research seeks to understand the motives and emotions that led to participation people with different ideological affiliations in the demonstrations of June 2013 and / or its consequences. The theoretical and methodological assumptions underlying this research are in Vygotsky's Psychology in the design of Marx's society and in Spinoza's political ontology, putting his philosophical ideas of common and multitudo at the center of reflection. The results of this study point to the positivity of the crowd and relevance of this concept, in Spinoza's perspective. The experience of the movements generated in the subjects of this research pleasure, increased critical awareness, even in diffuse directions, feeling the importance of the collective, the increasing political power of each, and according to its uniqueness. Everyone feels that the collective is an important instrument of transformation. Anyway bounce off the design of the crowd as irrational, massificadora and disturbing social order and I common sense is key, thus indicating a field of research and action to Social Psychology / O fenômeno multidão configurou-se como um dos primeiros objetos de estudo da psicologia social, vista pelos pioneiros como irracional, massificadora e perturbadora da ordem social, concepção que influenciou uma geração de pesquisadores que passou a reproduzi-la e, assim, a justificar ações repressoras contra elas. À medida que a sociedade foi se transformando, em decorrência das modificações nos meios de produção, as formas de ação coletiva também foram se alterando e, consequentemente, emergindo novas teorias explicativas dessa realidade, abrangendo diferentes áreas das ciências humanas. Desde 2011, uma nova forma de mobilização de protestos vem acontecendo pelo mundo, em grande parte por ação das redes sociais. No Brasil, esse fenômeno ganhou visibilidade em 2013, quando uma sequência de atos contra o aumento da tarifa em São Paulo ganhou o apoio de grande parte da população (a maioria jovem), forçando a mídia a mudar a maneira como retratava os protestos, passando de vândalos a manifestantes pacíficos, caracterizando a ação violenta como restrita a pequenos grupos merecedores da repressão policial. A mídia passou a não só apoiar, mas a colaborar com a convocação dos manifestantes. O movimento se espalhou pelo país ganhando pautas difusas e revelando uma luta de classes. Entre o saldo consta não só a revogação do aumento da tarifa em diversas cidades, mas também mudanças na agenda governamental e a consciência do direito a protestar, desdobrando-se em diferentes movimentos representando interesses distintos, culminando com a formação de dois grandes grupos, em defesa e contra o impeachment da presidenta do país. Diversos analistas vêm retomando a ideia de multidão como um sujeito políticos para explicar esses movimentos, no Brasil, o debate na Psicologia centra-se na equivalência entre movimentos sociais e multidão, usando como referência os pioneiros dessa reflexão: Freud e Le Bon, e de outro lado, os pensadores contemporâneos Negri e Hardt, que se inspiram em Espinosa. Para colaborar com esse debate, a presente pesquisa busca entender os motivos e afetos que levaram à participação pessoas com diferentes afiliações ideológicas nas Manifestações de Junho de 2013 e/ou nos seus desdobramentos. Os pressupostos teóricos e metodológicos que sustentam essa pesquisa encontram-se na Psicologia de Vigotski, na concepção de sociedade de Marx e na ontologia política de Espinosa, colocando as suas ideias filosóficas de comum e multitudo no centro dessa reflexão. Os resultados desse trabalho apontam para a positividade da multidão e pertinência desse conceito, na perspectiva espinosana. A vivência dos movimentos gerou nos sujeitos dessa pesquisa prazer, aumentou a consciência crítica, mesmo que em direções difusas, o sentimento da importância do coletivo, o aumento da potência política de cada, e segundo sua singularidade. Todos sentem que o coletivo é importante instrumento de transformação. Enfim, rebatem a concepção de multidão como irracional, massificadora e perturbadora da ordem social e eu o sentimento do comum é fundamental, indicando assim, um campo de pesquisas e de ação à Psicologia Social

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-01-11T15:45:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Julio Trevisam Braga.pdf: 882470 bytes, checksum: 3c2c5055c2743556aa6b0558a2c7364f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-11T15:45:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Julio Trevisam Braga.pdf: 882470 bytes, checksum: 3c2c5055c2743556aa6b0558a2c7364f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-15 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Amid the current repercussion around world of protests raised in criticism to a progressive loss of State autonomy in face of the regulation of profit by financial speculation, among the social movements of the present day it’s perceived the reappropriation of principles such as autonomy, horizontality, independence and solidarity. At the same time, it was highlighted among this movements the approach of action methodologies based on the instrumentalization of cyberculture. This context gives us the opportunity to reopen the debate about the historian’s treatment of the problematics of a history of the present time. On that intent, what discursive and instrumental elements are arranged between movements such Occupy Wall Street and the NYC General Assembly, in the USA, Democracia Real YA! platform, in Spain, Movimento Passe Livre – SP and the ANEL and Juntos! collectivies, which can confirm the proposal for a new model of political participation, linked to the perception of a demand for another city and another democracy? Finally, what’s the intensity evidenced in the respective protests about the interaction of urban space occupation and the use of digital networks? For the analyses, we exclusively investigate the blogs of each movement. Our considerations pointed out that, among them, these principles present different tonalities of familiarization, affirming, therefore, different practices of action and specific conceptions around the model of political participation idealized by each movement / Em meio à atual repercussão de protestos pelo mundo levantados em crítica à uma progressiva perda de autonomia do Estado frente à regulação do lucro pela especulação financeira, entre os movimentos sociais da atualidade é percebida a reapropriação de princípios como a autonomia, a horizontalidade, a independência e a solidariedade. Ao mesmo tempo, destacou-se entre os movimentos a aproximação de metodologias de ação baseadas na instrumentalização da cibercultura. Este contexto nos dá o ensejo para reabrir o debate em torno do trato do historiador com as problemáticas de uma história do tempo presente. Com esse intuito, que elementos discursivos e instrumentais estão dispostos entre movimentos como o Occupy Wall Street e o NYC General Assembly, nos EUA, a plataforma Democracia Real YA!, na Espanha, o Movimento Passe Livre – SP e os coletivos ANEL e Juntos!, no Brasil, os quais possam confirmar a proposta de um novo modelo de participação política, vinculada à percepção da demanda por uma outra cidade e outra democracia? Por fim, qual a intensidade evidenciada nos protestos respectivos sobre a interação da ocupação do espaço urbano e o uso das redes digitais? Para a análise, investigamos exclusivamente os blogs de cada movimento. Nossas considerações apontaram que, entre eles, estes princípios apresentam tonalidades diferentes de familiarização, afirmando, portanto, distintas práticas de ação e concepções específicas em torno do modelo de participação política idealizado por cada movimento

本論文以政治學及心理學的理論為基礎，探討社會人士的集體行動及政治參與行為及其背後的心理因素，以及網上新聞的普及對這些行為、意向是否具催化作用。根據政治學及社會心理學文獻，團體在社會得到的社會認定「social identity」）及個人對自身的政治功效意識 （「political efficacy」）往往是影響人們集體行動及政治參與（稱「團體參與行動」「intergroup participatory actions」）程度的決定因素。不過，個人/團體對集體行動的參與意向跟媒體使用及社會人士的實際參與之間的關係在文獻中似乎從未提到。然而，這方面的研究在現今數碼時代十分重要。 / 關於網上新聞的影響，主要的文獻論述有二：工具性論述指出網上資訊澎湃、隨手可得，且成本極低，網上新聞的使用對社會人士參與政治有直接影響（本論文將驗證此觀點，是為假設一）；心理學論述指出網上新聞對人們的影響視乎個人既有的心理素質。本文主張個人參與集體行動及參與政治的意向在於人們是否能從這些行動中得到高度的「社會認定」及「政治功效意識」；而這兩方面又可隨著個人接觸的網上資訊增加而得以提昇，因為人們傾向選擇接收那些肯定他們既有看法及態度的資訊（即「選擇性暴露理論」），以及那些提昇他們對某社群歸屬感的資訊（即「使用與滿足理論」）。本文提出下列觀點，並加以驗證：網上新聞的普及提昇「個人功效意識」（假設二）、提昇「集體功效意識」（假設三）、提昇參與團體行動人士得到的「社會認定」（假設四），而個人/團體從社會認定中得到的滿足對他們實際參與團體行動有驅動作用（假設五）。 / 本文對在美國及香港具代表性的民意調查作出分析，分析結果跟上列的假設吻合。然後進行了一項實驗，其結果指出「個人功效意識」或可作為「政治功效意識」內一有效的獨立準則。本人在美國及香港進行民意調查（各地兩項；所涉及的調查相隔一年），並作迴歸分析，以驗證上述有關社會人士參與集體行動及政治意向的假設，研究重點包括人們的投票意向、示威意向、議題參與意向及公民參與意向。研究結果支持假設一（即工具性論述）及假設三（即有關「集體功效意識」的心理學論述）的有效性。假設二（有關「個人功效意識」）及假設四（有關「社會認定」）可作進一步驗證。研究中所有具統計學顯著意義的結果卻否定了假設五（有關「社會認定」對個人/團體帶來的滿足程度）的有效信度。 / 最後，研究局限、結果應用等亦會在文中細述。 / Applying an interdisciplinary and integrative theoretical perspective and framework, this thesis is concerned with the role of Internet news on collective action and political participation, and the important moderating role of certain psychological antecedents on the relationship. The literature shows that identification with a group (social identity) and the feeling that one could make a substantive difference (political efficacy) are two important predictors of such actions (termed “intergroup participatory actions in this thesis). However, the processes that link the antecedents of participatory behaviors to media use and then to actual participation have been neglected. Such an examination is important in the digital age where the Internet provides citizens a media environment where access to information about politics and social causes is easy, cheap and abundant. / Two views of the impact of Internet are prevalent in the literature. The “instrumental“ view argues that Internet use has a direct effect on political participation and typically emphasizes the reduced costs and the relative “informational richness“ associated with Internet news use (Hypothesis 1). The “psychological“ view argues that the effects of the Internet depend to an extent on individual’s preexisting psychological dispositions. It is further hypothesized that two dimensions of political efficacy are important antecedents of participatory actions: ‘individual efficacy’ and ‘collective efficacy’. / The thesis argues that individuals’ willingness to participate in a collective action and participate in politics depends on high levels of social identity and political efficacy, which can be heightened by exposure to Internet news because individuals are likely to consume media content that reinforces their existing attitudes and opinions (as put forward by Selective Exposure Theory) and reinforces their psychological need to feel like a member of a social group (as put forward by Uses and Gratifications Theory). Conceptually, this means that individual efficacy (Hypothesis 2), collective efficacy (Hypothesis 3), and social identity (Hypothesis 4) will accentuate the effects of Internet news use on intergroup participatory actions. Moreover, social identity gratifications will accentuate the effects of social identity on intergroup participatory actions (Hypothesis 5). / Secondary data analyses of national data in the United States and Hong Kong provide initial support for the hypotheses. Moreover, an embedded quasi-experiment provides support for the validity of ‘individual efficacy’ as a unique dimension of political efficacy. Subsequent exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses also showed that both individual and collective efficacy to be unique dimensions of political efficacy, along with internal and external efficacy. / Regression analyses using two Hong Kong and two American samples collected a year apart test the hypotheses for a variety of participatory behaviors, including voting intention, protest intention, issue participation and civic participation. In general, the findings were supportive of the ‘instrumental’ view of Internet effects (H1) and the ‘psychological view’ with respect to collective efficacy (H3). There was less evidence for the effects of individual efficacy (H2) and social identity (H4). All significant interactions for social identity gratifications (H5) were in the opposite direction as hypothesized. / Implications of these findings are discussed and suggestions for further research are specified. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Chan, Che Ming. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 232-247). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Acknowledgements --- p.iv / Contents --- p.v / List of Tables --- p.vii / List of Figures --- p.ix / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Overview of the Thesis Structure --- p.6 / Contributions to the Literature --- p.9 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Antecedents of Collective Action and Political Participation --- p.11 / Collective Action and Political Participation as Forms of Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.12 / Perceived Injustice --- p.15 / Efficacy --- p.19 / Identification --- p.27 / Summary and Way Forward --- p.34 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Role of the Internet in Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.37 / The Mobilizing Potential of the Internet --- p.37 / The Role of Internet News in Political Participation --- p.39 / The Role of Internet News in Protests and Demonstrations --- p.43 / The Internet and Participatory Actions in the Hong Kong Context --- p.45 / Summary and Hypothesis --- p.46 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Contingent Effects of Efficacy and Social Identity --- p.48 / Efficacy, Selective Exposure, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.50 / Social Identity, Selective Exposure, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.56 / Social Identity, Uses and Gratifications, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.61 / Summary of Hypotheses --- p.65 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Secondary Data Analyses of National Survey Data --- p.68 / Theoretical Approach to Analyses --- p.68 / American National Election Studies Survey (2004-2008) --- p.70 / The National Annenberg Election Survey (2008) --- p.97 / The PEW 2009 Values Survey --- p.110 / Hong Kong Survey 2009 --- p.114 / Summary and Way Forward --- p.118 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Measurement and Validation of Political Efficacy Dimensions --- p.124 / Question Item Selection and Analytic Strategy --- p.125 / Sampling and Operationalization --- p.129 / Results --- p.131 / Summary and recommendations --- p.153 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Predicting Intergroup Participatory Actions Among Young Adults --- p.156 / Young Adults, the Internet, and Participation --- p.157 / Sampling --- p.166 / Operationalization --- p.166 / Results --- p.174 / Discussion --- p.187 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Discussion and Future Research --- p.200 / Interdisciplinary Perspective of Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.201 / Complementary Explanations of Internet News Effects --- p.205 / Expansion and Validation of Political Efficacy Dimensions --- p.212 / Extension of Uses and Gratifications Theory --- p.213 / Contributions to the Hong Kong Literature --- p.214 / Appendices --- p.215 / Chapter Appendix A --- Social Identity Studies in Hong Kong --- p.216 / Chapter Appendix B --- Mass Media and Collective Action in the Hong Kong Context --- p.219 / Chapter Appendix C --- Theoretical Basis for Group-Based Perspective of Uses and Gratifications --- p.222 / Chapter Appendix D --- Questions Items in 2010 Surveys --- p.226 / Chapter Appendix E --- Questions Items in 2011 Surveys --- p.229 / References --- p.232

Notions of community and civic participation, and the role journalism plays in establishing, reinforcing or disrupting them, have been part of American life since the early days of the republic. Equally American, and closely connected with them, are the ideas that our public institutions and elected officials are appropriate targets for both journalistic scrutiny and comedic satire. Press and speech protections that James Madison and Thomas Jefferson wrote into the Constitution have served journalists and satirists - and those who work both camps, such as Ben Franklin, Mark Twain and H.L Mencken - during critical times in our history. Indeed, the blurring of lines between news and entertainment, public policy and popular culture, is not a new phenomenon. Yet, re cent concerns that journalism is being subsumed within the larger field of mass communication and competing with an increasingly diverse group of narratives that includes political satire are well-founded. Changes in media technology and acute economic uncertainty have hit traditional news outlets at a time when Americans clearly want a voice they can trust to challenge institutions they believe are failing them. And during the first decade of the twenty-first century, none has filled that role as uniquely as Jon Stewart, host of The Daily Show on the Comedy Central Network. When Time recently asked readers to identify "the most trusted newsperson in America," Stewart was the runaway winner. That matched an earlier survey by the Pew Center in which Stewart tied Brian Williams, Tom Browkaw, Dan Rather and Anderson Cooper as the journalist respondents most admire. Scholarly work on Stewart typically builds on surveys that show young adults get political information from his show (Pew, ANES). It also challenges his frequent claim that he is nothing more than a stand-up comedian peddling satire, and it argues that his shtick, which he calls "fake news," is actually a quasi-journalistic product. This study moves beyond those issues by reviving questions about the role news media play in creating community. It applies research though the method of the interpretive turn pioneered by James Carey, and challenges the notion that Stewart's viewers are no more than fans who tune in to him as isolated individuals seeking entertainment. It argues that they seek him out because the para-political talk he offers helps them connect with a larger community of like-minded fellows. It draws on Mills' distinctions between mass media and public media, and it uses Freud's interpretation of jokes as a vehicle to address ruptured relationships and wish-fulfillment to examine the demand for a public conversation lacking in the news offered by aloof network anchors who became the faces of broadcast journalism during the latter part of the twentieth century. Finally, it considers the broader implications this nexus between media satire and news reporting - and the communities that are building around it - has for journalism and its traditional role in our participatory democracy. Research for this study, especially ideas and perceptions about how mainstream media work, is grounded in my own professional experience of fifteen years as a daily newspaper reporter, political writer and press secretary in three major political campaigns. Ideas and observations about stand-up comedy come from a year-long ethnography of The Comedy Cellar, a stand-up club in Greenwich Village known for political humor, from numerous visits to tapings of The Daily Show, The Colbert Report and Tough Crowd, and from interviews with a number of stand-up comedians (apart from the ethnographic work) and writers for those shows. Ideas about the interplay between traditional journalism and so-called "fake news," the narrative offered by Stewart and others, come from interviews with roughly a half-dozen nationally recognized journalists who reported on the 2004 presidential campaign. A significant amount of archival research in the popular press - specifically newspapers and news magazines - was necessary because it is a large repository for background into Stewart's professional life and training, and that is essential context for a specific dialogue about the changing landscape of American journalism. Finally, impressions and findings about Stewart's audience and the Americans who are increasingly turning to satire as a vehicle for information to locate themselves in our participatory democracy came largely from observations and interviews conducted in Washington D.C. for four days before, during and after the Rally to Restore Sanity. Early scholarship on the increasingly complex relationship between satire and traditional journalism has focused on the satirists and attempted to define their narratives as something more than comedy - some type of popular journalistic hybrid or emerging narrative that is a new form of journalism. This study acknowledges that debate but moves beyond it. In fact, it is grounded in the idea that although the television shows are new, there is nothing new about satirists using the media of their day to challenge powerful institutions, including public office holders. Instead, it approaches the rise of these satirists by asking what is happening in America that is causing citizens to turn away from traditional sources of news and information in favor of the narratives they offer. It examines the likelihood that the popular demand for Stewart's narrative signals a larger shift in the way Americans think about news and where they go to get it - away from institutional journalism and its longstanding ethos of objectivity and the authoritative voice and toward more independent voices that essentially return to iconic ideas of the press as a tool for building community and enabling conversations between publics rather than acting as the mass medium it did in the latter part of the twentieth century.

Three independent studies drawing on the cases from different spaces and times comprise this research project, but they share a common theme: how do expansive reforms that open up paths to political participation take place? The first paper takes up the case of the motor voter reform, which allows people to register to vote at driver's license offices. The reform was widely legislated by U.S. states before the passage of the National Voter Registration Act in 1993. The paper investigates the factors that helped promote the reform at the state level by breaking down the reforms along two dimensions: the voter registration location and the implementation method. Motor voter legislation could either stand alone or be accompanied by agency-based registration (ABR), which includes registration at social service public agencies that primarily serve the poor. A reform could be implemented in an active or passive way. While ABR and active implementation had the potential to mobilize previously alienated socioeconomic groups, motor voter reform itself and passive implementation were expected to have a partisan-neutral and limited impact, respectively. Using data collected from the archived materials of the leading advocacy organization of the reform, Human SERVE, I test the following three general hypotheses statistically: 1) the Democratic Party is interested in mobilizing the poor, 2) electoral competition enhances mobilization efforts by parties, and 3) liberal political culture promotes inclusive electoral institutions. All three hypotheses find some support in the empirical analysis. The second paper focuses on a candidate selection method reform in contemporary Japan. Throughout the first decade of the twenty first century, the (then) opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) used kôbo, an open-recruitment candidate selection method, which was purported to open up the party nomination to non-traditional outsider aspirants. The DPJ's action presented a puzzle: searching for low-electability amateur candidates instead of traditional quality candidates seemed paradoxical for a party preparing to take over power. The paper reveals that using kôbo was a transitional strategy for a young party building itself under the mixed-member majoritarian system. I argue that recruiting "fresh faces" was not what really motivated the use of kôbo, by showing how kôbo increasingly produced insider candidates over time. The third paper investigates the development of direct primary in nineteenth century Pennsylvania. The historical origins of the U.S. primaries have mostly been discussed in terms of statewide legislations around the Progressive Era, which made the primaries mandatory for the two major parties. This paper focuses instead on the voluntary adoption phase that took place under the party by-laws, paying special attention to the case of Pennsylvania after 1842. I argue that the party elites of county organizations initiated the introduction of the primaries in order to prevent defection and to preserve party unity. As the vote share of a party increased, the party nomination became more valuable, and more people competed for nomination. More disgruntled nomination losers would run as independents, hurting the electoral prospects of a given party in the general election. For party leaders, whose overwhelming concern was the maintenance of party unity, the direct primary system offered a solution by presenting the primary winner as a focal candidate to the party voters. The primaries made it harder for losers to defect later, with the transparent features of their procedures. Thus, the stronger the party, the more likely it was to adopt the direct primary. The paper tests this hypothesis empirically with an original data set built from hundreds of archived local newspapers. To my knowledge, this is the first study on nineteenth century county-level party activities to use comprehensive data covering most counties from a single state. The findings have broader implications as to how party competition affects the choice of candidate selection methods, and the role which competition among elites plays in the democratization of the intraparty decision-making mechanism.