<p>The aim of this essay is to study the decision making process and implementation of the principle of political participation and influence for Roma minority in Sweden. The results regarding the decision making process is structured through a discourse influenced policy analyses. Problem picture and recommended measures in the political documents representing the decision making process are analysed through theories of minority rights and equality. The implementation is seen through, by the author given minority discourse and the work in the roma council and analysed by the same theories already mentioned.</p><p>The results show that regarding the decision process the aim of art.15 in the framework convention is based on the idea of equality while the Swedish documents relates more to an idea of the right to speak for the group. Regarding recommended measures, the framework convention gives several recommendations on specific measures for political participation while the Swedish documents focuses on the general politics of the state. The results of the analyses of the implementation shows that those actors in the discourse, comparing the political participation for romas before and after the implementation of the minority policy creates a positive view of the principle, while those relating the principle to real influence in the political decision gives a more negative view of the implementation. The work in the Roma council shows that the majority of the issues are in information and discussion form and mostly information given by government staff. There has been critical voices from Roma representatives, while an another think time will give more space for Romas to have more influence. The Roma representatives still have a position outside the positions of real power influence in the consultative body.</p>

<p>The Westsaharian women are a civic group that during their soon to be thirty years as refugees in the Westsaharian camps in south western Algeria have become empowered as citizens and advanced strongly in political representation. In theory, empowerment of women’s democratic citizenship has been described as a complex phenomenon. To gain an understanding about this in this study, I have described the women’s perceived access to resources and attitudes, and in what way these factors play a role for their active citizenship. This has been done by the use of Axel Hadenius’ theory about the democratic citizenship and Jo Rowlands’ theory about which resources that are to be considered as essential for women’s empowerment. To be able to perform the study, a case study was performed in the Westsaharian refugee camps during April-May 2004, followed up by a second during October-November 2004.</p><p>The study shows that there are resources and attitudes within both human and social capital that the women perceive to play a significant role for their active citizenship. These factors make the women take part in societal activities, strive to reach higher political positions, and work for a common civic development as women and as Westsaharian citizens. The result of the study further shows that there are contextual inhibiting and encouraging factors that the women perceive to affect their resources and attitudes that play a significant role for their active citizenship. </p>

<p>This thesis aims at investigating the relationship between citizens' attempts to influence decision-making in a democracy and the representativeness of policy outcome. The question is to what extent the degree of citizen political activity, in terms of expressing policy preferences, affects: 1. The <i>policy agreement</i> between citizens and their elected representatives. 2. The <i>perceptual accuracy</i> of citizen opinions among representatives. It is argued that both policy agreement and perceptual accuracy are potentially important prerequisites to attain responsiveness in a democratic political system. The important normative question of the thesis is based on the fact that citizen's attempts to influence public decision-making often seems to be biased in favour of social groups already rich in resources. If political participation is socially biased the question is if this participation also will cause a bias in the opinions articulated towards decisionmakers and in the end also in a biased political influence.</p><p>Earlier research on the topic of this thesis has basically been limited to the classical study published by Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie in 1972: <i>Participation in America. Political democracy and social equality.</i> In order to examine this issue further, a survey was conducted in 40 Swedish municipalities. Included was a random sample of citizen from each municipality as well as a sample including all elected councilors in the municipalities. The effects of four different channels of citizen preference articulation is examined 1) participation in local elections, 2) non-electoral political participation, 3) activities and membership in voluntary associations and 4) everyday contacts between citizens and their elected representatives.</p><p>The results of the empirical analyses show that electoral participation does not have a positive effect on either policy agreement or perceptual accuracy in Swedish municipalities. The main tendency as regards the non-electoral channels of citizen preference articulation indicates a linear and positive effect on the policy agreement between citizens and representatives but no similar positive effect on the perceptual accuracy. </p>

The feminist beliefs of abortion service providers and the effects of these beliefs on the delivery of health care to patients is examined by the author who is herself a feminist and member of an abortion clinic staff. Discussion includes abortion rates, abortion safety, characteristics of patients, and accessibility of abortion, particularly as affected by legislation and anti-abortion activism. The research consists of the author's personal experiences as a counselor and patient advocate, conducting patient health history interviews, supporting patients in the operating room, and attending patients during recovery. The data is presented in a personal narrative including autobiographical material, a methodological style supported by feminist theories which question the supposed objectivity and neutrality of conventional scientific methods. Three means by which feminist beliefs are expressed in the delivery of abortion services to patients are identified: the language used to refer to abortion and abortion-related services, the choice of abortion related topics addressed during clinic visits, and the reconfiguration of the conventional provider/patient relationship. / Graduation date: 1999

This thesis aims at investigating the relationship between citizens' attempts to influence decision-making in a democracy and the representativeness of policy outcome. The question is to what extent the degree of citizen political activity, in terms of expressing policy preferences, affects: 1. The policy agreement between citizens and their elected representatives. 2. The perceptual accuracy of citizen opinions among representatives. It is argued that both policy agreement and perceptual accuracy are potentially important prerequisites to attain responsiveness in a democratic political system. The important normative question of the thesis is based on the fact that citizen's attempts to influence public decision-making often seems to be biased in favour of social groups already rich in resources. If political participation is socially biased the question is if this participation also will cause a bias in the opinions articulated towards decisionmakers and in the end also in a biased political influence. Earlier research on the topic of this thesis has basically been limited to the classical study published by Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie in 1972: Participation in America. Political democracy and social equality. In order to examine this issue further, a survey was conducted in 40 Swedish municipalities. Included was a random sample of citizen from each municipality as well as a sample including all elected councilors in the municipalities. The effects of four different channels of citizen preference articulation is examined 1) participation in local elections, 2) non-electoral political participation, 3) activities and membership in voluntary associations and 4) everyday contacts between citizens and their elected representatives. The results of the empirical analyses show that electoral participation does not have a positive effect on either policy agreement or perceptual accuracy in Swedish municipalities. The main tendency as regards the non-electoral channels of citizen preference articulation indicates a linear and positive effect on the policy agreement between citizens and representatives but no similar positive effect on the perceptual accuracy.

The current study examined the factors that affect female political participation in students at women’s colleges and coeducational institutions. The first part of the study consisted of building a model to explain female political participation based on previous research findings. The second part of the study consisted of examining differences between the model and the levels of participation among the two groups. Results showed that only self-esteem, femininity, feminist identification and knowledge of female political leaders significantly impacted political participation. No structural differences in the model were found between the groups. Students at women’s colleges had significantly higher means in political activity than their counterparts at coeducational institutions but there were no significant mean differences in political participation.

The current study examined the factors that affect female political participation in students at women’s colleges and coeducational institutions. The first part of the study consisted of building a model to explain female political participation based on previous research findings. The second part of the study consisted of examining differences between the model and the levels of participation among the two groups. Results showed that only self-esteem, femininity, feminist identification and knowledge of female political leaders significantly impacted political participation. No structural differences in the model were found between the groups. Students at women’s colleges had significantly higher means in political activity than their counterparts at coeducational institutions but there were no significant mean differences in political participation.

This study deals with immigrants’ political participation in Sweden and the Netherlands. Scholars have recognized low level of political participation of immigrants in Sweden compared to the Netherlands. The main goal of this study is to analyze the institutional influence, mainly from political parties over immigrants’ motivation for active electoral participation. The modified actor-context model uses here as the main theoretical framework. In addition, social capital theory employs to analyze immigrants’ voluntary organizational membership. This study confirms that, Swedish immigrants have the lower participation rate in the political sphere, at lest to a certain extent, than its counterparts the Dutch immigrants. This study also confirms the argument that contextual factors can influence actor’s motivations in integration-oriented action, and similarly it validates the necessity of enlargement of the actor-context model.

Processing public complaints belongs to informal relieving system. It is a part of generalized administrative litigation system and different with petition, appeal and litigation which are parts of formal relieving system. Since the procedure of petition, appeal and litigation is unfriendly, time wasted and very complicated, people prefer to raise their complaints through internet channels due to its convenience, quickness and efficiency. This article includes six chapters totally. The first chapter is a preface which states the cause, method, purpose, range and limit of this study. The second chapter introduces the source, meaning, reason, classification, characteristic and function of the public complaints. The comparison between public complaints and petition, appeal, litigation or national compensation is made. The third chapter discusses the aspect of legal change about public complaints at the first, and then describes the feature of public complaints processed by Kaohsiung City Government. The fourth chapter takes five cases to explain the feature and function of processing public complaints. The fifth chapter introduces the situation of public complaints in Japan and Singapore and compares their public complaint institution with Kaohsiung City Government's. The sixth chapter is the conclusion. The processing of public complaints was generally treated as political affairs, but it is getting the same importance as formal relieving system such as appeal and litigation and so forth after the public complaints was embraced in the chapter 7 of the Administration Procedure Law. From the study of this article, people can comprehend the local government more clearly, especially the situation of public complaints processed by Kaohsiung City Government. At the same time, people can know better about how to defend their own rights and finally the performance of government is going to be enhanced.

The purpose of the study is to investigate 8th grade Turkish students&rsquo / perceptions towards civic concepts and issues like good citizenship, government responsibilities and women&rsquo / s political and social rights and to determine the factors affecting their intentions to participate in electoral, political and civic activities. In order to achieve this aim, a nation-wide survey was conducted with a sample of 2497 students from 60 schools in 21 provinces. The questionnaire developed by International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) on civic education was adapted and used as the data collection instrument. The data obtained from the sample were analyzed through both descriptive (mean, frequencies and percentages) and inferential statistics (ANOVA, Hierarchical Multiple Regression). The results revealed that students value both conventional and social movement citizenship activities to be a good citizen. However, although they plan to participate in electoral and civic activities, more than half of them do not plan to participate in political activities such as joining a party, being a candidate for a local office. Moreover, it was found that the variances in students&rsquo / intentions to participate in electoral, political and civic activities were explained by students&rsquo / background characteristics, their media consumption habits, their discussion practices and discussion environment in classrooms, curricular and extracurricular experiences and finally by their perceptions of good citizenship and participation in school. Findings were discussed around relevant literature both in Turkey and abroad.