It is well recognized that the 1993 election campaign catapulted the Reform party into the national political scene, but our understanding of how this was possible is quite limited. Drawing on the work in cognitive psychology on attitude change, the work on the news media coverage of elections, and the political science work on election campaigns, this thesis locates the impetus for Reform's success in the dynamic flow of information about the party that was available in television news broadcasts and voters' likelihood of being persuaded by that information. This link is developed by an analysis that makes use of a content analysis of the 1993 campaign, the 1993 Canadian Election Study, and a merged analysis of the election and news data. The Reform party began the campaign as a minor component of the news coverage of the election, but the news media coverage changed dramatically. Reform was provided with more news access than its support indicated it deserved and that coverage focused on what became a major theme of the election; the welfare state and the role of government. Coverage of Reform underwent a further change as it both decreased and focused on cultural issues during the last two weeks of the campaign. Using a two-mediator model of attitude change, the analysis shows that people who were predisposed to agree with Reform's anti-welfare state message and who were likely to be aware of the news information, changed both their perceptions of the party and increased their support for the party. Further support for the impact of the media is derived from the analysis of voter response to the second change in news coverage. The analysis suggests that campaigns do matter, but that the size of the impact is dependent upon the underlying uncertainty associated with the parties and candidates, and on the degree to which the information flow of the campaign changes. The information flow contributes to both learning and priming among people who receive and accept new information. While voters respond reasonably to new information, the outcome will depend on what information voters are given and what information actually reaches the habitually unaware segments of the population. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Orientador: Oswaldo Martins Estanislau do Amaral / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T16:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernandes_MonizeArquer_M.pdf: 2086168 bytes, checksum: 26b3585953586bf012c68634f8b238c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que o contexto local - seja ele sociodemográfico ou institucional - importa na decisão do voto. Assim, buscamos contribuir para a literatura sobre comportamento eleitoral e sobre sistema partidário. A partir de uma amostra representativa de todos os municípios brasileiros, analisamos a volatilidade eleitoral partidária e ideológica para o cargo de vereador nas eleições de 2000 a 2012. Dessa forma, colaboramos com estudos que dizem respeito tanto à organização e ao funcionamento do sistema partidário em nível local, como também àqueles que buscam compreender o que determina a decisão do eleitor, apresentando quais características contextuais são capazes de explicar sua alternância entre os diversos partidos. Os resultados comprovam a relevância das características contextuais para explicar a variação do voto / Abstract: The central aim of this research is to demonstrate that the context matters for the electoral choice. Using a sample of the Brazilian cities, we analyzed the electoral volatility of each political party and of the ideological groups of parties for city councilors in four municipal elections ¿ 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012. Our intention is to identify which variables (sociodemographic or institutional) explain vote change between two consecutive elections. In this way, we contribute to the literature about electoral behavior and about party systems. The results show that context is important to understand the dimensions of the electoral decision / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestra em Ciência Política

Ce texte s’intéresse aux déclarations politiques médiatiques et plus précisément à la performativité des langages à partir des questionnements suivants : peut-on faire avec des mots ? Peut-on, comme l’entend le philosophe John Austin, réellement faire un acte grâce au langage ? En abordant différentes situations de déclarations politiques, la thèse interroge, sous l’angle de la pragmatique (des langages) et de la sémiologie, des discours politiques et médiatiques ainsi que les images qui les accompagnent. L’analyse porte tout d’abord sur des déclarations issues de notre quotidien (déclaration de pauvreté dans le métro, proposition artistique, etc.) puis s’attache plus particulièrement aux déclarations politiques sous la Vème République en France. On constate qu’une déclaration politique, afin de faire, ne peut être isolée mais doit s’entendre selon le contexte qui l’entoure. Elle dépend de langages, de rituels, de références culturelles et des médias. Ces derniers sont ceux qui l’hébergent et qui lui permettent une visibilité importante. Seule, une déclaration politique est vide et son langage ne peut agir. Elle est donc un objet qui existe par ramifications. / This text considers media-covered political declarations in the light of speech act theory and performativity by using the following questions as a starting point: Is it possible to do things with words? Can we, in the sense of John Austin, perform an action thanks to language? The thesis addresses different situations of political declarations in order to inquire into political statements, as well as the images the media associate to them, from the perspective of the pragmatics of languages and semiology. The work first focuses on declarations from everyday life (declaration of poverty, artistic endeavours) before moving on to a thorough analysis of political declarations during the French Fifth Republic. It is thus revealed that, in order to do, a political declaration cannot be considered as isolated but should be heard and understood in accordance with the context that surrounds its utterance. It depends on languages, rituals, cultural references and on the media. Indeed, the latter both host and allow the declaration broad reception by the public. By itself, a political declaration is empty and its language cannot perform. It is therefore an object which exists as part of a web of connections.

Civil and political strive in Africa is in the main, this is due to an increase in disputes over who won elections. The disputed elections in Kenya, Zanzibar, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Ethiopia and more recently Ivory Coast to mention but a few, indicate how disputes over election results in Africa have been escalating. ‘Over the last couple of decades, many elections in Africa have been marred by ‘extreme controversy’. Elections ‘rigging and brigandage’, violence and elections invalidation are common phenomena in Africa. The report prepared by the British-Angola Forum (BAF) following a conference on the challenges for free and fair elections in Angola, reveals that many elections in Africa are ‘subject to human error and manipulation’ and this is mainly because those who are in power want to cling onto it especially ‘in countries where there is a perception that politics means money’. Adejumobi argues that in Africa most elections in their current form appear to be ‘a fading shadow of democracy’ jeopardising the frail democratic project itself. According to the African Union Panel of Wise (AUPW), while in some countries elections have built ‘democratic governance and prosperity of citizens’, in others they have led to disputed results and violence among the political actors. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

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This thesis analyzes the election campaigns of six parties and movements (ANO 2011, ČSSD, TOP 09, ODS, KSČM, KDU-CSL) and one coalition (SPD-SPO). The aim of the diploma thesis is to analyze the election campaigns before the regional councils, which took place on 7.10. - 8.10.2016. In terms of methodology, qualitative research was applied in the diploma thesis. The first part of the thesis focuses on political marketing, which was used in the regional elections in 2016. The second part of the thesis deals with the campaigns of five parties of one movement and one coalition. Political parties have used various forms of political marketing in their campaigns. Elections to regional assemblies did not have one crucial topic to unify the entire political spectrum. Not even within the opposition was a single unifying theme linking the opposition against the government. Each political party chose its sub-theme. All parties had a centralized campaign. CSSD, KDU-ČSL and TOP 09 had a centralized campaign in part. Political party budgets ranged from 16 to 111 million. The least invested in the SPD-SPO coalition and most of the hnutí ANO 2011.

Alors que les citoyens français se montrent plutôt enclins à la communauté européenne, et que la France poursuit son intégration et sa coopération régionales, les candidats aux élections présidentielles parlent peu de l’Europe comme d’un véritable enjeu électoral. Cette thèse étudie la place de l’Europe comme enjeu, thème et sujet électoral dans les différentes structurations du débat médiatico-politiques. Au cœur des programmes, des allocutions et des débats des candidats de diverses familles politiques, elle démontre que l’Europe est un sujet glissant, souvent relégué à la dernière place des préoccupations électorales. Un sujet qui dérange le candidat et le citoyen car son traitement politique présuppose une définition stricte du rôle de la France dans l’Europe et de la finalité de l’Europe elle-même. Un sujet qui est aussi au cœur de clivages politiques flottants. A la croisée des notions de souveraineté, d’indépendance, de grandeur voire d’identité, les analyses de la place de l’Europe dans les élections présidentielles démontrent un espace de confrontation politique quasi vide, non investi par les candidats et les électorats. Cette étude démontre que cette immersion au cœur de la problématique de la place de l’intérêt national rend compte d’un processus de désidéologisation du thème européen latent et, au regard de l’écologie électorale aux référendums européens et aux élections présidentielles suivantes, d’un repli populiste en puissance dont le traitement politique du sujet européen n’est peut-être pas le dernier responsable. Quelle France souverainiste ou européiste s’exprime dans les élections présidentielles françaises de la Ve République, pour quelle Europe ? / French citizen since the 1960s have seemed to be generally in favour of the idea of a European community, and later, the European Union. However, French politicians who have run for presidential elections did not feel the need to include Europe as an electoral topic in their campaigns. If in the 1990s, Europe did become a programmatic data, it was still not considered as a topic that could create political cleavages. This thesis studies the place of Europe as an electoral issue and as a programmatic data inside the political debates. Through the analysis of the electoral programmes, the campaign speeches, and the debates, this essay demonstrates that Europe was a delicate topic and a political space of confrontation that candidates have invested very little. Europe disturbed the candidates as well as the citizen because its political treatment presupposed a strict definition of France’s role in Europe and the purpose of Europe itself. At the crossroads of the notions of sovereignty, independence, grandeur and identity, this thesis analyzes the place of Europe in the national presidential elections. Our immersion in the heart of the issues of national interests reveals a process of desideologisation of the European theme. It also shows, in regard to the electoral ecology, that there was, during the following European referendums and presidential elections, a potential populist tendency which the political treatment of the European issue was maybe not the only culprit. Which of soverainist France or europeanist France expressed itself in the French presidential elections from the Ve republic, for which Europe?

Yes / Liberia’s 2017 elections represented a watershed moment in the country’s political history. In addition to completing the first democratic transfer of power from one president to another since 1944, it resulted in wide representation across many different parties and independents as well as high levels of legislative turn-overs. Additionally, these polls brought forward unprecedented numbers of party reconfigurations, increased levels of defections, and politicians/parties losing abysmally in presumed ethno-regional bases. In this article, we argue that Liberia currently exists in a post-war arena of “post-party” politics where a profound disregard for parties is the norm, and in which the electorate and politicians alike forum shop for candidates and/or political configurations they presume will deliver the best results at national, sub-national and local levels. Although literature exploring electoral trends in Africa tends to over-emphasize ethno-regionalism as a driver and constraint in the choices of voters and politicians, we demonstrate instead that Liberians make relatively informed, strategic decisions about political alliances and ballot casting thereby subverting allegiances to ethnicity and region. By further eschewing party loyalties, Liberians have gradually become astute forum shoppers in a political marketplace that makes running for office and voting complex undertakings.

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