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Trading with North Africa: The challenges perceived by China based traders : Based on the Background of B&RBakkouri, Mohamed Omar, Lyu, Tianshu January 2020 (has links)
This study investigates China's international trade with North Africa from a small-sized tradersperspective, while referring to the Belt and Road Initiative’s (B&R) practical influence.Further, the research focuses on how the traders perceive the challenges related to trade withNorth African countries like Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, etc. Moreover, the study explores thedifferent challenges related to international trade, international business, and at last, psychicand cultural distance with consideration to prior research. A qualitative approach was adoptedin order to answer the research question for this study. The approach consisted of a series of indepth interviews that were conducted with traders within different industries. The data collection process focused on gaining insights related to the trade challenges in an attempt to distinguish between their nature. The findings point out that the challenges perceived are four-fold: Trade Incentives, Business Development, Government Intervention and Culture’s Influence. Meanwhile, the impact of B&R is comprehended as a catalyst for bilateral economic development.
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Belt and Road Initiative through Post-Colonial Theory : Does China’s Belt and Road Initiative fit the post-colonial description of draining a developing state?Glysing, Maja January 2022 (has links)
This thesis examines the Chinese investment programme; the Belt and Road Initiative, through a post-colonial lens, to categorise whether it fits the postcolonial draining of emerging economies. The purpose of this research is to broaden the way we see post-colonial relationships and contribute to the notion that all advanced economies can have a draining relationship with emerging ones. This is done by examining the geographical and economical aspects of the BRI-projects in two states; Kenya and Sri Lanka, to detect draining. The thesis comes to the conclusion that China, through the Belt and Road Initiative, fits the post-colonial description of draining the examined states. The results hopefully mean a humble contribution to the broadening of what is included in the post-colonial theory.
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Kinas väg till dominans? : En fallstudie om Belt and Road Initiative som utrikespolitisk strategiKässlin, Tony January 2021 (has links)
The purpose of this essay is to explore China's foreign policy through Joseph S. Nye's theory of power applied on the Belt and Road Initiative. It aims to answer whether or not China's foreign policy has changed during Xi Jinping's presidency and in what way Belt and Road Initiative can be explained in terms of power behaviour and power resources. The method used in this essay is that of a case study. The empirical evidence shows that China's foreign policy has changed in a direction that is meant to strengthen Xi Jinping's influence and that Belt and Road Initiative is a project with the intention to accumulate economic resources. It also shows that China's government and domestic policies weakens its "soft power" resources due to restraints in its civil society. The essayc concludes that the Belt and Road Initiative is China and Xi Jinping's expansion strategy whose main objective is to create incentives for Chinese domestic, economic growth. It also concludes that Chinese "soft power" would increase if the domestic policies would aim for a more democratic course.
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Promoting digital authoritarianism : A study of China’s Digital Silk RoadWahlberg Scott, Andrea January 2021 (has links)
China’s influence is increasing steadily in all corners of the world. One of China’s foreign policy goals is to become a technological superpower by 2025. An important part of that goal is the Digital Silk Road (DSR), a sub-project to China’s massive infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative. The DSR is on one hand contributing to positive technological developments, especially in developing countries. But on the other hand, it has gotten substantial criticism for being a front for spreading China’s digital authoritarian model and for giving authoritarian regimes the tools to effectively repress citizens and violate human rights. The aim of this study is twofold. The first aim is to examine and map out how China might be promoting autocracy through the DSR, this will contribute to a deeper empirical understanding. The second aim is to give a theoretical contribution by categorizing autocracy promotion and testing the value of active and passive autocracy promotion in relation to China and the DSR. To conduct the analysis, I will draw on literature about autocracy promotion and digital authoritarianism. The existing literature is divided on whether or not China is promoting autocracy, and I will thus be arguing that technological advances, and the DSR, makes it problematic to claim that China is not engaged in autocracy promotion. Therefore, I seek to contribute to the existing literature. The results show that China is in fact involved in autocracy promotion through the different DSR projects. It also shows that China’s support, in some cases, have been crucial in providing authoritarian regimes with repressive technologies. The results also indicate that promoting autocracy might not be an outspoken goal or strategy from China, but rather an unintended consequence when trying to reach domestic political and economic goals.
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The Hungarian Self and the Chinese Other in the BRIKarlström, Emma January 2023 (has links)
This study examines the representations of identities of the Hungarian Self and the Chinese Other in the Hungarian official foreign policy discourses surrounding the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This research paper uses Lene Hansen’s poststructuralist discourse analysis to examine how Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán represents Hungary’s identity in relation to the Chinese one since 2013 when the agreement on the BRI was signed. The study’s analysis reveals that the Hungarian Self and the Chinese Other have shared more similarities than differences since 2013. Historically, the Chinese Other has been considered radically different and threatening communist Other in relation to the democratic Hungarian Self. However, the representations of identities took a pivotal turn in the early 2010s when Hungary started to glorify China rather than despite it. Ever since then, the Chinese Other has been constituted as an equal in relation to the Hungarian Self and the differences between them have therefore not been radical. The analysis disclosed that the Other was most often described in regional terms, i.e. as the ‘’East’’ and as something that the Hungarian Self wanted to be a part of. Historically, Hungary and China have been constituted as temporally inferior in relation to the West, however, the analysis showed that the East has caught up with the West and that it is the East that will be leading in the future. Finally, by elevating the issue to a moral basis, Hungary presents itself as an ethically driven actor who has two main responsibilities; a responsibility to include the Chinese Other in European businesses and projects as well as an explicit international responsibility to defend traditional values and differences that exist between nations.
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Kinas nya sidenväg : En teorikonsumerande fallstudie utifrån realism och liberalism / China's New Silk Road : A Theory Consuming Case Study From a Realistic And Liberal PerspectiveTuresson, Christina January 2020 (has links)
This essay consists of a case study which examines China’s Belt and Road Initiative from two theoretical perspectives: realism and liberalism. The essay aims to enhance the comprehension of the Belt and Road Initiative by providing a realistic as well as a liberal interpretation of the project, and then comparing them to point out similarities and differences between these views. The essay concludes that the theoretical perspectives here work complementary rather than contradictory, and that what is hard to explain with one theory, often can be explained by the other. A liberal perspective sees more opportunities with the project, whereas a realistic one sees more risks but also necessities. The important aspects of the project from a liberal perspective concludes to be increased trade, international cooperation and interdependence, which are considered as risks from a realistic perspective. The main advantage is to increase power and security and legitimize the rule of the Chinese communist party, realistically speaking. Realism and liberalism interpret the goal with the project differently as well. Whereas realism sees BRI as a bold foreign policy project which aims to help China gain power to become a superpower and defeat poverty in China, liberalism view BRI as a foreign policy infrastructure project, built on trade, international cooperation and linking the world together.
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Čínské železniční diplomacie jako nástroj posilování soft power / China's High-Speed Railway Diplomacy (HSRD) as a Tool for Improving Soft PowerXiu, Lanyu January 2021 (has links)
The following thesis conducted a case study to investigate the opinion of exper ts working on the Bombay-Ahmadabad HSR and Ankara-Istanbul HSR on how China uses HSRD and BRI to develop and utilize its soft power and whether that opinion ma tches the official Chinese point of view. The official Chinese view about BRI is that it seeks to deliver win-win outcomes, development, and improvement of lives for partici pating countries. In addition, it 'has no geopolitical motives, seeks no exclusionary bl ocs, and imposes no business deals on others … addresses people's desire for a better l ife … and shared benefits.' Ramo (2007)'s operationalization of the term global image was used to assess the respondents' opinions. The results showed that there is low dependability of the overa ll BRI among the respondents. A majority of the respondents (60%) claimed that BRI and HSRD are successful but were not impressed by the delivered value and quality o f BRI. 70% of the respondents believed that the Bombay-Ahmadabad HSR would ach ieve its objective and that it had a high level of technology. In terms of financial, socia l and political impact, the responses showed proportions of 40%, 37%, 44% respectiv ely gave a positive answer. Overall, it can be concluded that in terms of image the Bo mbay-Ahmadab gave...
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從中國第五代領導人的政策觀點分析"一帶一路"計畫 / Analysis of the Belt and Road Initiative from the Perspective of the Chinese Fifth-Generation Leadership陳汝信, Chen, Ru-Shin Unknown Date (has links)
一帶一路倡議是中國第五代領導人的政策之一,應該被視為整體戰略的一部分。為了評估一帶一路倡議的實際目的與風險,研究中國地緣政治與社會經濟局勢、前幾代中國領導人的政策(如西部大開發)、現任第五代領導人的政策(如中國夢與四個全面)。雖然並非與其它相關的分析相互排斥,結論指出一帶一路與第五代領導人其它政策具有協同效應、同時面對相對的急迫性,是中國第五代領導人經濟改革、輸出國營企業生產能力過剩、減輕資產泡沫破裂風險的工具之一。 / The Belt and Road Initiative is one corner of the Chinese fifth-generation leadership’s policymaking under the Xi Jinping administration, and should be understood as part of a cohesive whole. This study assesses the BRI, its actual goals, and its risks when analyzed alongside China’s geostrategic and socioeconomic positions, similar policies from previous generations of Chinese leadership such as the Western Development Strategy, and existing concurrent policies from the fifth-generation Chinese leadership such as the Chinese Dream and the Four Comprehensives. While not mutually exclusive with other explanations proposed for the BRI, this study suggests that due to its synergy with existing policies and its exceptional urgency, the fifth-generation leadership primarily uses the BRI as one tool amongst many to accommodate its economic reform, to export the production overcapacity of state-owned enterprises, and to mitigate any risks of an asset bubble collapse.
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一帶一路與中國大陸能源安全的未來 / One Belt One Road and the future of Chinese energy security林凱文, Lin, Kaiwen Unknown Date (has links)
一帶一路倡議是中國最近的經濟發展策略,其目的是透過基礎設施發展和貿易,將中國與歐亞大陸的其他國家連結在一起。儘管並非單純為了能源所規劃的策略,但是倡議的組成部分對中國提供日增的能源需求扮演了一個角色。
本論文透過與1990 年代末中國走出去策略之比較,在中國能源需求的大架構下,檢驗一帶一路倡議。為評估一帶一路倡議對中國能源安全的影響,本論文首先界定中國對能源安全的見解,然後分析一帶一路計畫如何應對中國對能源安全的關切。
本論文發現一帶一路倡議可視為走出去策略的後續策略。此外,本論文也發現中國主要是透過供應的角度來觀察能源的安全,且一帶一路計畫(如,石油和天然氣管道的構築)確保了能源運輸的可靠性。 / The Belt and Road Initiative is China’s latest economic development strategy, which seeks to connect China to the rest of Eurasia through infrastructure development and trade. While not a dedicated energy strategy, components of the initiative will play a role in meeting China’s growing energy needs.
This paper examines the Belt and Road Initiative in the greater context of China’s energy policy by comparing it to China’s “going-out” strategy of the late 1990s. It assesses the impact that Belt and Road projects will have on China’s energy security by first defining how China views its energy security and then analyzing how Belt and Road projects address China’s energy security concerns.
This paper finds that the Belt and Road Initiative can be considered a successor to the“going-out” strategy. It also finds that China views energy security primarily through the lens of supply, and that Belt and Road projects such as port and pipeline construction contribute by ensuring reliability of transport.
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The Foreign Direct Investment of China in Central Europe under the One Belt One Road Policy / The Foreign Direct Investment of China in Central Europe under the One Belt One Road PolicyZhang, Han January 2019 (has links)
This paper attempts to explore China's direct investment in Central Europe under the OBOR initiative. China's economic cooperation in Central Europe is short and the total amount is small. First, this paper analyzes the current situation of Chinese investment including scales, industrial structure, investment entities. Second, through data integration, this paper analyzes the competitive advantage of China's investment in Central Europe. Finally, this paper explores the motives of Chinese investment through the panel data model. The results show that the market size, technology level, resources and other factors of the Central European countries can attract Chinese investment. At the same time, the local environment, economic stability and other factors do not affect China's investment in infrastructure construction. China has laid the foundation for its economic and trade cooperation with Central Europe and is also a strategic choice between China and the United States. Keywords CE-China investment, competitive advantage, OBOR,economic cooperation,motivation of investment Author's e-mail feelingtime1995@163.com Supervisor's e-mail vladimir.benacek@fsv.cuni.cz
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