Depuis les années 2000, la Réforme du secteur de la sécurité fait partie des politiques publiques internationales préconisées par la Communauté internationale pour permettre la gestion de crise de l’Etat et la transition de la guerre à la paix. Faisant suite à l’échec de l’aide au développement, qui a insisté sur l’absence d’appropriation locale comme la cause fondamentale, la communauté internationale fait appel à une véritable appropriation locale de la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. L’étude se propose d’analyser l’opérationnalisation de cette notion d’appropriation locale dans le contexte de la Réforme du secteur de la sécurité au Burundi. Cette thèse se pose la question de savoir pourquoi les acteurs internationaux en sont arrivés à poser l’appropriation locale comme une condition de la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. L’analyse est basée sur trois indicateurs :la conviction des acteurs locaux, la formulation et la mise en œuvre des réformes, et la coordination des acteurs et des activités de réforme ;et se focalise sur les données empiriques recueillies au sujet du processus de la réforme de la police nationale du Burundi. L’étude montre que l’appropriation locale est une stratégie mobilisée par les acteurs internationaux pour banaliser leurs interventions et transférer leurs modèles de réforme en s’appuyant sur les intentionnalités de responsabilité et de souveraineté des acteurs locaux que véhicule cette notion. Cette étude conclut que dans le contexte de la crise de l’Etat, la notion d’appropriation locale est un discours qui affermit l’interventionnisme international en donnant l’illusion d’accorder plus de place aux acteurs locaux dans la conduite des réformes. <p>//<p>Since the 2000s, Security Sector Reform is one of the international public policies advocated by the International community in order to deal with the state crisis and the transition from war to peace. Due to the failure of development aid which emphasized the lack of local ownership as its root cause, the International community calls for a genuine local ownership of the Security Sector Reform. This study analyses the operationalization of the concept of local ownership in the context of the Security sector reform in Burundi. This thesis raises the question of why international actors have come to consider local ownership as a condition of Security sector reform. The analysis is based on three indicators: the conviction of local actors, the formulation and implementation of reforms, and the coordination of actors and reform activities, and is focused on empirical data about the Burundi National police reform process. The study shows that local ownership is a strategy mobilized by international actors to both trivialize their interventions and transfer their reform models while the genuine intentionality of the notion is one of responsibility and sovereignty of local actors. This study concludes that in the context of the crisis of the state, local ownership notion is a discourse that strengthens the international interventionism in giving the illusion of more space given to local actors in the implementation of reforms.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en Sciences / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

ABSTRACT This research investigates the role played by external actors in contemporary African civil conflicts with specific attention to South Africa’s leading role in addressing Burundi’s intractable civil conflict. The inquiry was guided by looking at SA’s efforts in managing Burundi’s peace process in partnership with key external parties such as the Regional Initiative for peace in Burundi, AU and the UN; and by examining the level of success of SA’s involvement in the peace process and limitations encountered in pursuing diplomatic/political and military efforts aimed at resolving the civil conflict. The theories of conflict resolution and protracted social change, and scholarly and policy literature on intervention were drawn upon to frame the research. The struggle for political power explains the key root cause to Burundi’s civil conflict; rival politicians manipulated ethnicity and the past injustices, which are rooted in colonial policies of divide and rule, as tools in an attempt to accede to power and thereby, gain economic advantage at the expense of others. SA diplomatic efforts played an important role in addressing this by advocating for political and military power sharing. In order to reconcile and manage differences in approaches that were advocated to deal with the Burundi civil conflict, SA mobilized for support in Burundi’s neighbouring countries so as to back a peaceful solution to address the conflict. Further, in an effort to bolster its troops and, therefore, expand operations designed to promote peace in Burundi, SA had to merge into the African Mission in Burundi, and cooperate with the UN in order for the latter to render impetus to the peace process by, providing necessary resources and political support for the Burundi peace mission, and subsequently to assume the mission by taking over from the African mission. Although SA’s troop deployment provided protection for the former Hutu exile politicians and thereby, encouraged them to participate in negotiations and the transitional government, which participation increased chances of success in the peace process, however, SA did not do much in peacekeeping under the UN due to inadequate military equipments; civilians continued to be killed in the presence of SA troops, even though, under the UN their role extended to include civilian protection. To the extent that SA’s intensive diplomatic efforts resulted in the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi, however, a number of Burundian parties did not participate in the signing of the agreement and the rebel movements were excluded from the process. Thus, the Arusha peace process failed to attain consensus in addressing Burundi’s contentious issues. Although the UN peacekeepers in Burundi, of which SA was part, had a Chapter VII mandate to enforce the peace of which civilian protection was part of their mission, they did not exercise it. Intervention was constrained by the Burundian government; they argued that the ultimate authority in maintaining security throughout the country rested on them. Moreover, it is difficult if not impossible to observe UN traditional peacekeeping norms while at the same time having to implement the responsibility to protect, which has been occasioned by the post-Cold War world, in which human rights have gained wider recognition, and international norms of sovereignty and nonintervention redefined. Thus, strict observance of the UN traditional peacekeeping norms, inhibit intervention aimed to protect civilians facing catastrophic circumstances or under imminent threat.

The South African policy for peace missions is found in the 1999 “White Paper on South African Participation in International Peace Missions” of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation1. The White Paper adopts a comprehensive approach for the creation of peace in conflict and post conflict societies. The comprehensive approach includes the employment of military and civilian actors. Activities of these actors are determined by the nature of the peace mission which includes preventative diplomacy, peace making, peace building, peace enforcement, humanitarian assistance and humanitarian intervention. The policy further promotes the strategy of South African actors addressing the underlying causes of conflict instead of symptoms. The research seeks to investigate whether or not South African institutions implement the civilian peacebuilding aspect of the policy and adopts the use of the Burundi peace mission (2000-2008) as a case study. Qualitative research, which includes the use of document research and personal interviews, is the adopted research methodology. Through application of the variables of the 5-C protocol (coalitions and clients, commitment, capacity, context and content) the research established several implementation challenges. The research also utilised the 5-C protocol variables for recommendations on possible reforms.

The English language has acquired such great importance in the world that we cannot go on teaching it to our students at the Ecole Secondaire des Techniques Administratives in Burundi on the basis of the actual and inadequate English program. This project examines how inadequate the actual English course is, and makes proposals for an adapted curriculum using most recent methods of teaching and of curriculum development. The proposed change puts a special accent on the language and on the technical vocabulary as a means of communication on the job.

Univ., Diss.--Louvain-la-Neuve, 2007.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-184).

This thesis examines civil society, political space, and peacebuilding in post-war Burundi by critically engaging with international discourses and considering the extent to which they reflect the experiences and perspectives of activists on the ground. It is based on qualitative research with civil society groups and the individuals that work for them in Burundi. Fieldwork took place over five months between July 2014 and April 2015. This was a period of crisis in which civil society faced mounting restrictions, from the introduction of legislation that banned public gatherings, to the harassment and intimidation of prominent activists. The thesis analyses the extent to which civil society groups were able to navigate these constraints to create and maintain spaces for peace that transform dominant social norms which produce violence and repression. It also considers the factors that frustrated these efforts, from the sustained influence of past violence and trauma, to the climate of fear and uncertainty that emerged following the 2015 elections, and the divisive elite politics that continues to disrupt everyday peace in Burundi. It finds that emerging policy discourses on political space fail to engage with the historical, political, and discursive nature of government restrictions in Burundi, and the temporal and relational dimensions of violence, especially the ways in which it shapes the everyday lives of activists and their ability to challenge the institutions and structures within which violence is reproduced. The research situates these experiences in historical context – a process that enables it to consider broader questions about the evolution of civil society and the extent to which it becomes embedded in post-conflict contexts once international funding and attention decreases and external peacebuilding activities conclude. Civil society groups in Burundi received significant support from the international community in the post-war years, yet increasing restrictions suggest that the Burundian government has not accepted the presence of certain organisations which it views as a threat to its political authority and legitimacy. This leads the thesis to argue that curbs on civil society should be seen as part of a broader pattern of resistance to international peacebuilding in Burundi.

The African Union’s role in the formulation and the implementation of the Arusha Agreement in Burundi has been hailed as a hall mark of success for the organisation’s conflict management on the continent. A decade and a half later Burundi once again finds itself at the precipice of civil war due to the controversy surrounding President Pierre Nkurunziza’s election to a third term in office in 2015. At the time of writing, the mediation efforts are tethering on the brink of failure. The African Union’s response to the political crisis in Burundi has been characterised by policy incoherence, reversals and ineffectiveness as member states have not committed to a particular strategy. This study explores the underlying factors that resulted in the failure of the African Union’s mediation efforts in Burundi by analysing the contingency framework for mediation by Bercovitch Anagnoson and Wille (1991: 11) with specific reference to the eight context variables. The study seeks to understand the failure of mediation in the context of the African Union’s previous success in mediating the signing of the Arusha Agreement. The study reveals that the competing and contradictory narratives surrounding the mediation and the conflict played a significant role in influencing the outcome of the mediation. The study concludes that mediation remains a relevant conflict management strategy for the African Union. The normative framework of the regional organisation however must be shifted to reconceptualise the principle of sovereignty in responding to electoral based conflicts.