Thesis (M.S. in Computer Science)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher S. Eagle. Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-142). Also available online.

Cette thèse constitue une réflexion sur la coopération de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, de la Croatie et de la Serbie avec le Tribunal Pénal International pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY). La situation instable de cette région a posé un certain nombre de problèmes et de difficultés au Tribunal pour mener à bien son action dans la constatation des infractions, le rassemblement des preuves et la recherche des auteurs avant leur jugement. Les nationalistes Serbes et Croates vont utiliser la question de la coopération avec le Tribunal pour renforcer leur emprise sur les institutions de leurs pays respectifs. En Bosnie-Herzégovine, ils retardent le démantèlement des structures parallèles qu'ils avaient mis en place pendant la guerre ; en Croatie, le régime Tudjman refuse de coopérer avec le Tribunal par crainte d'être associé aux crimes commis par les Croates de Bosnie ; en Serbie, chaque élection devient un plébiscite anti-TPIY et permet aux Radicaux de devenir la première force politique du Pays. Les différentes forces politiques se déchirent à propos de la coopération avec le Tribunal. Ainsi, l'arrestation et le transfert à la Haye de Slobodan Milosevic, en juillet 2001, provoque l'éclatement de la coalition du DOS (Demokratska Opozicija Srbije) qui avait renversée l'ancien président, en octobre 2000. L'assassin du Premier ministre serbe, Zoran Djindjic déclare le jour de son arrestation par la police qu'il avait tué le Premier ministre par crainte de se faire arrêté et transféré à la Haye. La question de la coopération avec le TPIY a pesé comme une épée de Damoclès au dessus de la tête des gouvernements serbes et croates successifs. / This thesis constitutes a reflection on the co-operation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The unstable situation of this area posed a certain number of problems and difficulties to the Court to conclude its action in the observation of the infringements, the gathering of the evidence and research of the authors before their judgment. Serbian and Croatian nationalists will use the question of the co-operation with the Court to reinforce their influence on the institutions of their respective countries. In Bosnia-Herzegovina they delay the dismantling of the parallel structures which they had set up during the war. In Croatia, the Tudjman government refuses to cooperate with the Court by fear to see him associated with the crimes committed by the Croats in Bosnia. In Serbia, each election becomes an anti-ICTY plebiscite and makes it possible for the Radicals to become the first political force of the Country. The various political forces tear in connection with the co-operation with the Court. Thus, the arrest and the transfer in The Hague of Slobodan Milosevic, in July 2001, caused the bursting of the coalition of the DOS (Demokratska Opozicija Srbije) which had reversed the former president in October 2000. The murderer of the Serbian Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic, a former paramilitary, declared on the day of his arrest that he had killed the Prime Minister by fear to see himself arrested and transferred to The Hague. The question of cooperating with the ICTY weighed like a sword of Damocles over the head of the successive Serbian and Croatian governments.

This paper advocates introducing cybercrime legislation in Lesotho. Cybercrime is the hottest issue today. Cybercriminals can commit various illegal activities in cyberspace that few people even know exist. A nightmare scenario would be a hacker breaking into the hospital's computer systems on a fine morning and before doctors can arrive to treat their patients, the malicious hacker modifies patients' files on the hospital's database systems: [S]urgeries slated to be performed on the right leg are now switched to the left leg; recorded blood types are altered from AB-negative to O-positive; warnings for known allergies to medicines such as penicillin are electronically erased from patients' charts; and laboratory records on HIV blood tests results are insidiously switched from negative to positive just before patients are to receive their results. (Marc D Goodman 'Why the police don't care about computer crime' (1997) 10 Harvard Journal of Law and Technology 465 at 466). Although this scenario is possible with current technology, unfortunately Lesotho would be powerless to act for lack of adequate laws to investigate and prosecute this conduct. Lesotho's current criminal laws can hardly be enforced against cybercrime, as they do not clearly prohibit the crime. Therefore, this paper argues that Lesotho must adopt a comprehensive legal structure to deter and prosecute cybercrime. It does this by examining international and national approaches to cybercrime, with a view to providing guidance for an effective framework capable of addressing this 'new' crime. Cybercrime is a major global challenge requiring coordinated international effort. In a networked world no island is an island; cybercrime penetrates all countries because of its ability to cross national boundaries. Further, this paper suggests a model law that is based on the first international treaty which plays a key role in combating cybercrime. Finally, it recognises that legislation alone cannot fight cybercrime; law enforcement must be equipped to implement the law, and private citizens must know about cybercrime and the need to protect themselves and their systems and networks.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Rostock.

Thesis (MA(Criminology))-University of Pretoria, 2007. / Abstract in English and Afrikaans. Includes bibliographical references. Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.S.)--Michigan State University. Criminal Justice, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Aug. 5, 2009) Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-58). Also issued in print.

Thesis (Ph.D.) in History--University of Maine, 2008. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 182-190).

Thesis (M.A.)--The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2009. / Directed by Paul Luebke; submitted to the Dept. of Sociology. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed May 13, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 84-90).

No description available.

The use of children in war is one of the most universally condemned human rights abuses in the world, yet a large number of children are currently believed to be fighting in over 30 conflicts around the globe. While many of them die before they are released, others escape, are rescued or are returned by their captors. These children then face the daunting task of being rehabilitated and reintegrated into society. Despite the broad nature of the issue, and its huge individual and societal impacts, relatively little is known about child victims of war, their time in service and their experience of reintegration. The Uganda government with hundreds of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) is assisting child victims of war in northern Uganda, however, there's still a limited impact on the situation. Formerly abducted children still face tremendous amounts of difficulty upon their return to society and remain invisible in policy making and practice. As such, this research seeks to understand the challenges and experiences faced by these children while in captivity as well as upon their return to family and community. Previous research with child victims of war has documented varying outcomes among this group of a war affected society, suggesting that the processes of ending the conflict in northern Uganda are taking place. However, not enough has been focused on building evidence specifically around the concrete reasons and ways in which the government and all stakeholders involved arc protecting, rehabilitating and reintegrating the child victims of war. This research therefore shows how a number of children were abducted and their livelihood upon return. It highlights the resilience of these children in the midst of conflict and their strong will and ability to rebuild their lives. The thesis describes the experiences of the Acholi and Lango child victims of war within the Lord 's Resistance Army (LKA), and upon return to their families and community, and offers a critical look at all efforts made by all the stakeholders involved in the reintegration and rehabilitation of these children. It also provides suggestions and recommendations on how to improve and create successful outcomes in protecting the children of northern Uganda. / Thesis (M. Soc Sci. Int relations) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2013.