Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as transformações pelas quais passou a Rua José Paulino, principal via comercial do bairro paulistano Bom Retiro, entre 1928 e 1980. Em 1928, tratava-se de uma via mista, ocupada simultaneamente por inúmeros usos, como moradia, comércio, serviços e pequenas indústrias que supriam as necessidades das várias comunidades imigrantes residentes no bairro. Em 1980, a José Paulino era uma via reconhecida nacionalmente por possuir um comércio de moda predominantemente feminino e a preços acessíveis, atraindo diversos compradores de outras regiões do Estado de São Paulo e do Brasil. O objetivo da pesquisa foi compreender como se deram as sucessivas mudanças nos usos da rua e quais são os rebatimentos dessas mudanças na materialidade da José Paulino durante o intervalo proposto para o seu estudo. A estruturação de uma nova atividade econômica no local implicou alterações materiais e estéticas, com demolições de imóveis antigos, construções de novos edifícios e a posterior ocupação de suas fachadas pela comunicação visual que os proprietários das confecções passaram a aplicar em seus imóveis. / This dissertation is a study on changes through which José Paulino Street, the main commercial street in the São Paulo neighborhood of Bom Retiro, occurred between 1928 and 1980. In 1928, this street was a mixed-use urban corridor, being simultaneously occupied by innumerable uses, such as housing, commerce, services and small industries that supplied the needs of the various immigrant communities residing in the neighborhood. In 1980, José Paulino was a nationally recognized street with a predominantly feminine and affordable fashion trade, attracting several buyers from other regions of the State of São Paulo and Brazil. The objective of this research was to understand how the successive changes in uses of this street occurred and what is the bending of these changes in the materiality of José Paulino during the time period proposed for his study. The shaping of a new economic activity in the area led to material and aesthetic changes, with demolitions of old buildings, constructions of new buildings and posterior occupation of its façades by visual communication that owners of the confections began to use in their properties.

This doctoral thesis deals with the transmission and reception of the works of Cyprian of Carthage in the early Middle Ages. The process of research combined the study of the manuscript transmission of Cyprian’s works with the study of texts that were (in an immediate way or not) influenced by these writings. The connections between the transmission of Cyprian’s writings and the publishing activities of various groups, from the Donatists in fourth-century North Africa to Carolingian priests, is a central part of the thesis. The appropriation of the Church Father by different groups, including Arian writers in the aftermath the Council of Aquileia, proves not only the sense of authority Cyprian’s works invoked but also the, often liberal, way in which ancient works were used or interpreted. In addition, Cyprian was the first Latin Church Father to connect the concept of the unity of the Church with the office of the bishop. He was therefore influential in medieval ecclesiological thought and in the shaping of episcopal identities throughout the early Middle Ages. The thesis examined how Cyprian’s works functioned as tools of legitimisation for the causes of ninth-century bishops, such as Hincmar of Reims; invocations of priestly and episcopal identity, which were often based on Cyprian’s contribution to Catholic theology, enabled influential bishops to affirm their place in a Christian society as major players in ecclesiastical and secular politics.

North American histories of homelessness have focused upon the specific image of the “tramp.” Exemplified by Charlie Chaplin, Jack London, and various other popular representations in a variety of media formats, the tramp, hobo or bindlestiff is a classic North American symbol. This “tramp” is often represented as a young, white, heteronormative man, and many histories of homelessness focus upon subjects like him. However, newly accessible police, charity and census materials suggest the early twentieth century homeless population in the Pacific Northwest was more racially and sexually diverse than previously thought. Using a Gramscian liberal order framework theory, I argue that the tramp became a North American liberal ideological icon in response to a growing tension between the needs of capital for a free moving body of labourers and the growing panoptic state. By breaking down the tramp mythos and offering a more accurate image of turn of the century homeless people, we can see the ways liberal ideology has been twisted to justify incarceration, harassment, and exclusion. / Graduate / 2019-08-24

This thesis is a biography of Joseph Smith Sr., first patriarch to the Church and father of the illustrious Prophet Joseph Smith Jr. The overall purpose of this treatise is of a four-fold nature. First, it proposes to reveal the kind of personality and character he possessed. Second, it intends to present a near complete and accurate account of his deeds and experiences. Third, it hopes to relate him to the historical period in which he lived. And fourth, by fulfilling the three purposes named, it will attempt to evaluate the assertions that have been frequently made that the Prophet Joseph came from an ignorant, shiftless, and unworthy family. All of this can be done only to a limited extent, because of the small amount that has been written about Joseph Smith, Sr. In organizing the research of this thesis I have attempted to accomplish my desired purposes by giving an overall evaluation of Father Smith's life from both favorable and unfavorable sources; this is followed with the formative influences that helped to shape his personality and character; then is given the part he and his family played in the restoration of the true Gospel and the service he rendered as a member of the true church; added to this are the trials and tribulations he witnessed and suffered for the faith he had in the divine mission of his son; circumstances of his death and contributions he made conclude the treatise. With this information, it is hoped that in judging Joseph Smith Sr., one may more fully take into account these influences that surrounded him and place oneself in a position to look at things from his point of view and thereby form at least a partially correct estimate of his character.

Free education has been attempted since Bermuda’s 17th century settlement. This thesis examines government’s role in education and establishment of schools by government and religious societies. Early education taught slaves about salvation, frightened whites, and threatened established authority. Christianity made blacks aware of freedom. By the 1940s, black scholars pushed for equality and focused concern for students denied education with their intellectual peers. Intelligence tests determined entrance to secondary school. Whites were relinquishing public education to blacks and were resistant to black’s aspirations. Integration was thrust to the forefront. In the 1980s, the secondary entrance exam was denounced for young black males and as promoting a drug culture. In 1987, the government restructured with integration as a fiscal necessity and a failed social-political exercise. Outside consultants guided the changes in ways less than suitable to Bermuda’s circumstance. A large single secondary school was created that has been viewed as promoting private education more than anything in Bermuda’s history.¹

This paper examines the role of enslaved craftsmen in Charleston cabinetmaking shops during the late-eighteenth century and how wealthy Charlestonians’ desire fashionable goods fueled the demand for this labor force. The first chapter examines the rise of the wealthy Charlestonians and the origins of their taste for fashionable goods. The second chapter explores the increased use of enslaved craftsmen in Charleston cabinetmaking shops during the last half of the eighteenth century and how they affected the production of fashionable cabinet goods.

Narratives of place have always been crucial to the construction of Australian identity. The obsession with identity in Australia betrays longstanding uncertainty. It is not difficult to interpret in this uncertainty a replaying of the deeper insecurities surrounding the settler community's legal and more broadly cultural claims to the land. Such insecurities are typically understood negatively. In contrast, this thesis accepts the uncertainty of identity as an activating principle, appropriate to any interpretation of the narratives and themes that inform what it means to be Australian. Fundamental to this uncertainty is a provisionality in the post-colonial experience of place that is papered over by misleadingly coherent spatial narratives that stem from the imperial inheritance of Australian mythology. Place is a model for the tension between the coherence of mythic narratives and the actual rhizomic formlessness of daily life. Place is the ???ground??? of that life, but an ambivalent ground. An Ambivalent Ground approaches postcolonial Australia as a densely woven text. In this text, stories that describe the founding of a nation are enveloped by other stories, not so well known, that work to transform those more familiar narratives. ???Re-placing Australian literature??? describes the process of this transformation. It signifies an interpretative practice which seeks to recuperate the open-ended experience of place that remains disguised by the coherent narratives of nationhood. The process of ???re-placing??? Australian literature shifts the understanding of nation towards a landscape that speaks not so much about identity as about the constitutive performances of everyday life. It also converges with the unhomely dimension that is the colonist's ambiguous sense of belonging. We can understand this process with an analogy used in this thesis, that of music ??? the colonising language, and noise ??? the ostensibly inchoate, unformed background disruptive to cultural order yet revealing the spatial realities of place. Traditionally, cultural narratives in Australia have disguised the much more complex way in which place noisily disrupts and diffracts those narratives, and in the process generates the ambivalence of Australian identity. Rather than a text or a narrative, place is a plenitude, a densely intertwined performance space, a performance that constantly renders experience ??? and its cultural function ??? transgressive. The purpose of this thesis is not to displace stereotypical narratives of nationhood with yet another narrative. Rather, it offers the more risky proposition that provisionality and uncertainty are constitutive features of Australian social being. The narrative in the thesis represents an aggregation of such an ambivalent ground, addressing the persistent tension between place and the larger drama of colonialist history and discourse.

This thesis focuses on the concept of cultural national identity during the Third Reich and how the Nazis attempted to shape an image of Germany to their liking. By specifically examining musical culture and restrictions, this thesis investigates the methods the Nazis used to define Germany through music by determining what aspects of Germany’s culture were not “traditionally” German—namely those of the Jewish minority in Germany. Therefore, this study follows the Nazi restrictions on the German population who participated in the creation and performance of music and is then contrasted with those imposed upon the corresponding Jewish population. The resulting conclusion is that the Nazis created a place for exclusion and oppression, but managed to, ironically, create a place of refuge for Jewish musicians in the Third Reich. Music was, in the end, an unstoppable force which the Nazis could not control or fully regulate.

This thesis locates John G. Diefenbaker’s electoral triumphs in the general elections of 1957 and 1958 and his subsequent world tour within the context of the revival of Conservative nationalism in the postwar period. To make his case against a Liberal government that had been in power for twenty-two years, Diefenbaker had to engage the public in a response to political events based on an appreciation of an abstract and not quite palpable threat to democracy and a national way of life. He did so by harnessing the persuasive techniques of public relations and the new medium of television—a powerful combination that Diefenbaker knew could most effectively tell and sell a national narrative. The signature he settled on was the “New National Policy.” The choice harkened back to a discourse of Conservative nationalism that spoke of the antiquity of his party ideology and rediscovered the heroes who founded the nation. The “New National Policy” was a therapeutic ethos designed to assuage voters’ fears about mass consumption, continentalism, communism, and the end of empire: it ensured that the greatness of events and men of the past could guarantee the ideas and values of the present; it was gendered in its construction of patriotic manhood, exalted motherhood, and icons of nationalist ideology; it was transnational in scope; it told of a relation of cause-and-effect that resembled a theory of history more than a blueprint for public policy; it was fashioned to disarm critical analysis because it conformed to the structures and traditions of storytelling and the clichés of historical memory. This thesis makes three interrelated arguments. First, it argues that the systems of values and meanings on which Diefenbaker drew cannot be understood by analyzing his personal foibles or tracing his rise and fall through a series of events. Partisan narratives are built out of the dialectical interchange between warring political ideologies and are stories fitted to character, circumstance, and experience. Second, it suggests that Diefenbaker was a transitional figure whose vision, message, leadership style, and public relations campaign seemed to best fit the barely discernable dimensions of the political and cultural change of the immediate postwar decades. Finally, by examining resurgence of Conservative nationalism in the context of imperial decline, it seeks to show that partisan narratives in English Canada in the 1960s cannot be understood outside of the larger transnational contexts in which they emerged.

This thesis locates John G. Diefenbaker’s electoral triumphs in the general elections of 1957 and 1958 and his subsequent world tour within the context of the revival of Conservative nationalism in the postwar period. To make his case against a Liberal government that had been in power for twenty-two years, Diefenbaker had to engage the public in a response to political events based on an appreciation of an abstract and not quite palpable threat to democracy and a national way of life. He did so by harnessing the persuasive techniques of public relations and the new medium of television—a powerful combination that Diefenbaker knew could most effectively tell and sell a national narrative. The signature he settled on was the “New National Policy.” The choice harkened back to a discourse of Conservative nationalism that spoke of the antiquity of his party ideology and rediscovered the heroes who founded the nation. The “New National Policy” was a therapeutic ethos designed to assuage voters’ fears about mass consumption, continentalism, communism, and the end of empire: it ensured that the greatness of events and men of the past could guarantee the ideas and values of the present; it was gendered in its construction of patriotic manhood, exalted motherhood, and icons of nationalist ideology; it was transnational in scope; it told of a relation of cause-and-effect that resembled a theory of history more than a blueprint for public policy; it was fashioned to disarm critical analysis because it conformed to the structures and traditions of storytelling and the clichés of historical memory. This thesis makes three interrelated arguments. First, it argues that the systems of values and meanings on which Diefenbaker drew cannot be understood by analyzing his personal foibles or tracing his rise and fall through a series of events. Partisan narratives are built out of the dialectical interchange between warring political ideologies and are stories fitted to character, circumstance, and experience. Second, it suggests that Diefenbaker was a transitional figure whose vision, message, leadership style, and public relations campaign seemed to best fit the barely discernable dimensions of the political and cultural change of the immediate postwar decades. Finally, by examining resurgence of Conservative nationalism in the context of imperial decline, it seeks to show that partisan narratives in English Canada in the 1960s cannot be understood outside of the larger transnational contexts in which they emerged.