Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T15:37:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ivandiasdasilva.pdf: 1898521 bytes, checksum: 269f2690aeb63d31a76115c342561dc0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-13T19:18:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ivandiasdasilva.pdf: 1898521 bytes, checksum: 269f2690aeb63d31a76115c342561dc0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-13T19:18:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ivandiasdasilva.pdf: 1898521 bytes, checksum: 269f2690aeb63d31a76115c342561dc0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-02 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo geral desta tese é avaliar a organização de lobby político denominada Maioria Moral, fundada e liderada pelo pastor evangélico fundamentalista Jerry Falwell. Esta organização, que foi a mais destacada da Nova Direita Religiosa americana, atuou no cenário político daquele país entre os anos de 1979 e 1989 na tentativa de implementar uma agenda teológico-política, articulada em torno de seus valores religiosos e morais, no contexto da esfera pública dos EUA. A ação da Maioria Moral teve desdobramentos que modificaram substantivamente a dinâmica político-partidária dos Estados Unidos. Na busca por viabilizar e implementar sua agenda de perspectivas religiosas, os ativistas políticos da Maioria Moral, conservadores ou fundamentalistas, eram do parecer que a sociedade americana se encontrava sob a ameaça de “grandes males”, e atuaram para mobilizar os religiosos que compartilhavam de seus pontos de vista a um envolvimento ativo e intenso na esfera pública e político-partidária, descontruindo a orientação religiosa anterior de separação entre religião e política. Esta atuação implicou no surgimento de um novo tipo de clivagem sociopolítica, em que a religião reemerge nos EUA como uma linha divisória com uma dimensão político-partidária, consubstanciando e consolidando clivagens culturais muito expressivas e duradouras, que resultam numa guerra de culturas entre diferentes sistemas de entendimento moral e religioso. Apesar de dissolvida no final da década de 80, a Maioria Moral contribuiu significativamente para a polarização ainda em curso das diferenças culturais no interior da vida e da cultura pública americanas, que veio a assumir uma dimensão político-partidária nacionalmente organizada. / This PhD dissertation’s general goal is to evaluate the politics lobby organization called Moral Majority, established and leaded by the fundamentalist evangelical pastor Jerry Falwell. This organization, that it was the more prominent of the New Religious Right, acted in the U.S.A. political landscape between 1979 and 1989, in an attempt to implement a theological-political agenda, based on its religious and moral values, in the context of the American public arena. The Moral Majority’s action had outcomes that modified significantly the party-political dynamics of the United States. In seeking to make possible and implement their religious perspective agenda, the politics activists of the Moral Majority, conservative or fundamentalists, considered that the American society was under the threat of “great evils”, and acted to mobilize the religious people that shared their perspectives to an active and intense involvement in the public and party-political sphere, deconstructing the previous religious orientation of separation between religion and politics. This action implied in the emergence of a new kind of sociopolitical cleavage, in which the religion reemerges in U.S., embodying and consolidating very significant and long-lasting cultural cleavages, that result in culture wars between different moral and religious understanding systems. Although being dissolved in the end of de 1980s, the Moral Majority contributed significantly to the still in progress polarization of the cultural differences in the inner American public life and culture, that assumed a nationally organized party-political dimension.

There are times when a confluence of events, individual talent, preparation and strategic timing all meet at the same point in time which result in a historic period on the larger scale of history. Such is the life and legacy of Carl F. H. Henry. Henry was born at a strategic time in the history of the Protestant church in the United States. He possessed and developed intellectual gifts that far surpassed most of his contemporaries. He also possessed an ability to be at the momentous shifts in Christian history in the United States. This study examines, in historical context, the surrounding circumstances and the developments from those circumstances that gave rise to “the dean of evangelical theologians,” Carl Henry. Henry burst onto the theological scene while the ambers were still burning from World War II. While the world was recovering from war, Protestantism, both in the U.S. and in Europe, was recovering from a battle of its own. In the United States, the conflict between liberals and conservatives had provided deep divides in the county’s denominations. With liberals having assumed seats of power in denominational structures and institutions of higher learning, the conservatives had withdrawn both culturally and theologically. Across Europe, two world wars within one generation had significantly damaged the cardinal doctrines of liberalism. In its place, came the rise of neo-orthodoxy. While on the surface the renewed emphasis on the Bible seemed to offer great promise, the philosophical underpinnings of neo-orthodoxy would soon erode the short lived hope that a return to the foundation of scriptural authority, as expressed by the Reformers, was in the making. It was into the this milieu that Carl Henry emerged onto the scene, with the publishing of The Uneasy Conscience of Modern Fundamentalism, as a major theological voice calling for a renunciation of the obscurantism of the fundamentalists, and a re-engagement with culture both in terms of social ministries and a renewed commitment to academic excellence. In addition to The Uneasy Conscience of Modern Fundamentalism, which received much more recognition that the preceding volume, Remaking the Modern Mind and then the later work, The Protestant Dilemma, these two books laid out the basic theological method that Henry would follow throughout his career resulting in his magnum opus, God, Revelation and Authority. It is here that evangelicalism finds its most definitive defense of biblical authority, inspiration and inerrancy, grounded in Henry’s theological methodology—revelational epistemology. In addition to Henry’s prodigious theological output, he was instrumental in changing the theological landscape in America. Having called for the re-engagement of the culture and the mind, Henry was pivotal in the forming of several key evangelical institutions. Henry actively took part in the founding of the NAE, ETS, Fuller Seminary and Christianity Today. Henry’s legacy is cemented in his ability to articulate and formulate viable contemporary expressions to fulfill the Great Commission. His contributions to the Kingdom of God are as monumental in their breadth and scope as the King he served. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted

To summarize: <ol><li> Contemporary Evangelicalism is not merely a momentary or reactionary movement, but the full-grown of the long process of Pneumatic operation in restoring Christian Faith back to its prototypal theological structures.</li><li> Contemporary Evangelicalism presents a distinct ecclesiology descriptive of the structures of the prototype ekklesia that has been historically marred; thus Contemporary Evangelicalism is restorative of the prototypal ecclesiological structures.</li><li> The peoplehood of God, or in the particular New Testament context, the peoplehood of Christ—is the very identity of the church, and the very identity that Contemporary Evangelicalism presents to the church in the present times; thus Contemporary Evangelicalism is restorative of the original ecclesial identity.</li></ol> Now, to inversely synthesize, God called Noah and his family because they were still obedient to God. God called Abraham because he had that inclination to be faithful to God. God called Lot because he still had that God-consciousness. God called Israel because they still believe on the one Creator-God. Then God called the Christian church because it is composed of people who believe in Jesus Christ. Thus, here we see the fidestic response factor throughout God’s historical calls. God call a people because they are those who respond to him in faith. Whenever such faith response waned, God chooses another people who, again, could respond to him in faith. Thus the existence and life of the ekklesia is co-existent with its fidestic response to God. The moment it stops responding to God in faith, it loses its ekklesiality. It is in this context, that Contemporary Evangelicalism emerges as the climactic phase of God’s historical ekklesiality. Contemporary Evangelicalism presents before the church the prototypal theological and ecclesiological framework of Christian Faith. As such, while presenting this prototypal framework, it also poses a call for the restoration the prototypal structures in the present theological and ecclesiological framework of Christian Faith. But the call necessitates a wholehearted response of faith. Thus, Contemporary Evangelicalism, in essence, is the call for the New Reformation of Christian Faith, the New Reformation of Christian church, back to its prototypal structures. When Christians and the Christian church fail to heed this call, Christianity could, again, lose a great and blissful opportunity to be more truly God’s people, to be more truly the people of Christ, in the present time nearing the parousia. It is prayerful hope that this work would spark a global conflagration of New Reformation! / Thesis (PhD (Systematic Theology&Ethics))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / unrestricted

This study examines the growth of conservative Protestantism, or evangelicalism, in British Columbia from 1917, the beginning of open conflict with theological liberalism, to 1981. The period witnessed the development of evangelical institutions from rudimentary beginnings before 1920 to the rise of a complex network by the 1970's. Numerically, conservative denominations in British Columbia countered a national trend and nearly doubled their proportion of the population from 1921 to 1981. Towards the end of the period, weekly attendance at conservative churches surpassed that in mainline Protestant denominations. This study has a two-fold purpose. The narrative seeks to recount significant features of the denominational, institutional and numerical development of evangelicalism in British Columbia. At the same time, the crucial factors in its development will be analyzed, particularly those which explain its growth. Explanations which focus exclusively on socio-economic factors or American influences are rejected. Both played significant roles but neither are able to fully explain the growth and other factors must be considered in addition to them. Four are identified as playing particularly significant roles: 1. a loyalty to values and emphases which appeared endangered by modernism; 2. patterns of immigration which added relatively large numbers of evangelicals who soon identified with the wider evangelicalism, 3. larger than average family sizes and high rates of retention of children within conservative churches and 4. institutional factors, particularly the strenuous efforts spent in establishing large numbers of new congregations throughout the province. Common to all four factors is the sense shared by conservative Protestants that they were separate from the "world." Unlike religious liberals who sought to preserve Christianity by accommodating to modernism, conservatives were alienated by modernism and sought to preserve traditional evangelicalism in the face of massive cultural change. In British Columbia, which was characterized by an unusual degree of transiency, materialism and secularism, the conservative approach proved more successful. Neither branch of Protestantism grew as rapidly as the "no religion" segment of the population but, while mainline Protestantism declined proportionately, evangelicals evidenced a certainty and simplicity of conviction and action that appealed to an increasing minority of the population. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Many evangelical Christians distance themselves from the mainstream commercial culture, because they perceive mainstream media and popular culture to promulgate immoral messages through representations such as sex and violence. This disconnect from Hollywood have made evangelicals a tough audience to market. Sony, however, has been able to connect with the evangelical market by producing a line of contemporary Christian films through their in-house division Affirm Films. By prioritizing the narratives of their films Heaven is for Real, War Room, and Miracles From Heaven to focus on contemporary Christian characters, conflicts, and settings, Sony is able to attract the evangelical audience with films that align with their conservative belief system.

This dissertation examines the life and work of Charles Ewing Brown (1883-1971), an influential twentieth-century leader of the Church of God (Anderson, IN). During his editorship of the Gospel Trumpet from 1930 to 1951, Brown reinterpreted Christian doctrine in ways that often challenged predominant evangelical and fundamentalist theologies of the mid-twentieth century. Although often associated with theological developments in the nineteenth century, the holiness movement impacted the twentieth century in significant ways, concurrent with the contributions of pentecostalism and neo-evangelicalism. In the late 1950s, a prominent mainline leader heralded the rise of the “Third Force in Christendom,” which prioritized an experiential and primitivist faith that was not encapsulated in Roman Catholicism or historical Protestantism. Despite the presence of holiness groups like the Church of God in the Third Force, prevailing historical narratives of the mid-twentieth century have prioritized the importance of the Reformed fundamentalist tradition associated with Baptists and Presbyterians. In contrast, Brown’s holiness fundamentalism rejected the premillennialism and cultural separatism that prevail in most historians’ depiction of the tradition. Overall, Brown complicates how historians have understood terms such as fundamentalist and evangelical. This work offers a nuanced historical account by showing how a significant holiness leader inherited and modified the beliefs and practices of formative traditions. Through a survey of monographs, editorials, and addresses, this dissertation foregrounds the foundations and implications of Brown’s claim of being an evangelical and a fundamentalist. It begins with a biographical chapter and successive chapters explore how Brown’s outlook informed his view of revivalism and doctrine, his ecclesiology, his critique of premillennialism, his articulation of the social dimensions of Christianity, and his socio-political commentary. The conclusion contextualizes Brown and analyzes his historiographical significance. For Brown, the evangelical and fundamentalist disposition was primarily communal, and the prevailing trend toward hyper-individualism and separation deeply concerned him. By challenging the assumptions about the conservative nature of evangelicalism and the epistemological foundation of fundamentalism, this study offers an initial foray into how holiness groups shaped the contours of twentieth-century American Christianity. It reveals Brown’s continuity with nineteenth-century evangelical social reform efforts and with late twentieth-century progressive evangelicals.

This dissertation is a historical and missiological study of the concept of the child in North American holiness and pentecostal mission discourse between 1897 and 1929. Despite official prioritization of evangelistic preaching, new holiness and pentecostal mission movements devoted much of their energies to starting schools and opening homes for children in need. Growing widespread interest in studying and protecting children encouraged child-focused activity. At the same time, an evangelical spirituality that emphasized childlike trust in God helped to sustain mission work with children. The study analyzes narratives found in denominational and mission periodicals as well as other missionary writings to uncover the voices and actions of mission practitioners. In early holiness and pentecostal mission movements, publications enabled the exchange of stories, ideas, and funds. This exchange spread the idea of living by childlike faith, provided resources for raising children in Christian faith, and supported and built children’s homes. Child-centered discourse thus propelled the spread of holiness and pentecostal meta-cultures that formed the next generation of the movements. Chapters 1 and 2 show the links between holiness and pentecostal mission and earlier evangelical movements. Chapter 1 argues that the child has been central to historical evangelical identity, spirituality, and mission. Chapter 2 identifies changing understandings of the child and approaches to mission that accompanied changes in evangelical identity. These developments contributed to the proliferation of mission discourse on the child during the period of this study. Chapter 3 shows how holiness and pentecostal missionaries, such as Albert Norton, looked to God as a good father who met their needs. Missionaries’ response to a benevolent father was called “living by faith,” and it shaped their approach to mission with children. Chapter 4 examines how members of North American Wesleyan holiness groups, the Free Methodists, Wesleyan Methodists, and Nazarenes, pursued a mission of rescuing and raising children in Christian faith around the world. Chapter 5 explores how pentecostals, such as Leslie and Ava Anglin and Lillian Trasher, set up homes for needy children in various global locations and contributed to the formation of pentecostal childhoods. This dissertation argues that holiness and pentecostal efforts to care for and train children helped to form global evangelical movements. It contributes to the history of mission, sheds light on how and why these movements spread, and provides a historical link to popular practices of twentieth-century child sponsorship. The study concludes by highlighting the role that narratives and the concept of the child played in shaping evangelicalism.

No description available.

Dorothy Wordsworth’s religious practices continued to evolve throughout her life. She was baptized Anglican, but after her mother’s death she resided with her mother’s cousin, where she practiced Unitarianism. When she later moved in with her uncle, she embraced evangelical Anglicanism. Records of her religious beliefs in her twenties are scarce, as after moving to Racedown with her brother William in 1795 and throughout her years living in Alfoxden, she rarely wrote of her involvement with organized religion. Only in the 1810s while at Grasmere did Dorothy Wordsworth begin to record a gradual return to church attendance. Concerning her religious practices in the years following this return, due to a relative lack of information concerning Dorothy Wordsworth’s spirituality during this period, scholars have concluded that her Anglicanism was unremarkable: groundbreaking biographer Ernest De Sélincourt called her faith a “simple orthodox piety” (267) while Robert Gittings and Jo Manton labeled it “the conventional piety of her middle age” (168). Often, scholars have also concluded that Dorothy Wordsworth’s Anglicanism was relatively orthodox, due to the outspoken High Churchmanship of her brothers William and Christopher. As this thesis demonstrates, however, Dorothy Wordsworth’s previously unpublished Rydal Journals complicate such conclusions. These journals offer a wealth of evidence concerning her religious practices and beliefs between 1825–35, including extensive lists of scripture references, records of her church attendance, logs of her religious reading, assessments of sermons, and expressions of her personal faith. The various findings suggest that Dorothy’s faith was more complex than previously understood, as it was passionate, informed, and, in ways, surprisingly evangelical.

This thesis uses content analysis to compare two conservative Christian feminist publications: Daughters of Sarah, produced by neo-evangelical feminists, and Exponent II, produced by Mormon feminists. Findings are based on insights from three main theories: Debra Minkoff's organization-environment perspective, Nancy Folbre's model of collective action based on structures of constraint, and the church-sect typology from the sociology of religion literature. Although both organizations similarly endeavor to integrate feminist and religious identities, the loose boundaries of evangelicalism allow Daughters of Sarah to explore a more liberal feminist agenda and interact with broader feminist sources while still remaining within the broad domain of evangelicalism. In contrast, the strict organizational boundaries of Mormonism tightly constrain Exponent II's feminist discourse and agenda. While focusing on how religious environments serve as dominant sources of opportunity and constraint for associated organizations, this study also highlights the complexity involved in the construction of christian feminist identities.