"Sudan has been selected for purposes of this study because of its recent stride towards securing peace through a comprehensive political reorganisation, which for the most part employs the notion of federalism. Indicentally, the Interim National Constitution of Sudan, adopted on 9 July 2005 (Interim Constitution), provides for a decentralised system of governance. The Interim Constitution grants Southern Sudan autonomy to extend over a six-year period, which will culminate in a referendum in the South on whether it should remain part of Sudan or secede to form another state. ... This study will consist of five chapters. Chapter one will principally set out the content and objective of the study. Chapter two will be the theoretical framework comprising an analysis of the concept of federalism from which the notion of autonomy is derived. The significance of the federal principle in meeting the challenges of multiculturalism will also form part of the discussion. Chapter three will outline the history of federalism in Sudan and attempts at its use as a tool for political integration. This chapter will comprise an analysis of the content of autonomy under the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972. Chapter four will consist of an analysis of the federal principle as embodied in the Interim National Constitution of Sudan. In so doing, it is expected that its potential perils and possibilities of success will be brought to the fore. Chapter five will comprise conclusions drawn here from." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Nico Steytler at the Faculty of Law, Community Law Centre, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The Civil War and Reconstruction remade the United States. The defeat of the Confederacy, end of slavery, and postwar amendments to the Constitution inaugurated a new stage in national life. The most commanding histories of the period have presented the regional and national contests over the legacies of the war. Yet, the forces shaping the nation’s transformation and the effects this process unleashed were not confined within American borders. Drawing on British, American, and Irish archives, this dissertation reveals international influences and consequences at the core of the nineteenth-century reconstitution of the United States. The legal transformation of the United States after the Civil War required the assertion of American federal sovereignty in the international sphere. Fulfillment of key aspects of Reconstruction depended upon recognition by other nations and empires. Certain subjects, such as the terms of United States citizenship, were by definition international matters and necessitated coordination with the laws and policies of foreign powers. Other fundamental issues of Reconstruction, though not intrinsically international, also compelled attention to precedents, developments, and potential ramifications abroad. Agents of the United States government could not resolve the central issues of Reconstruction unilaterally. Their debates and decisions had consequences abroad, particularly in the British Empire, during a critical period of state-building worldwide. Each chapter of this dissertation examines international dimensions of a key question of governance and canonical subject of Civil War and Reconstruction scholarship – emancipation, land reform, democracy, citizenship, treason, and federalism – to gauge the far-reaching factors that shaped American policymaking and its results. The analysis demonstrates the multiple layers of the questions the war unearthed. It also establishes that changes in constitutional and other domestic law were inextricable from the nation’s relations with foreign powers, particularly Britain. This approach captures Reconstruction as the internationally disruptive event that it was and allows for a more complete accounting of what the Civil War and Reconstruction did and did not accomplish. Developments during these years destabilized the nation’s position and commitments in the international realm but did not provide a clear path forward. The transformation of the United States’ role and power in the international realm proved more gradual and restrained than many Americans and Britons anticipated. Divisions over the Constitution as well as challenges emanating from abroad impeded the assertion of federal power both within and beyond the nation’s borders.

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This dissertation, through three case studies on the history of the introduction and use of national income accounting in post-World War II Japan, examines how official statistics convince private actors of the government’s authority as a reliable coordinator of the economy. During the early postwar period, the liberal powers spread national income accounting – a standardized framework that developed in the 1930s to summarize the interplay of all sorts of production, distribution, and consumption activities in a given territory – as a means to align economic bureaucracy of former fascist states and postcolonial countries with an Anglo-American model of reliable government. At the core of the government model was improving a state bureaucracy’s authority to disseminate a formalized, and thus objective and impersonal representation of the national economy, which would serve as an impartial and reliable reference point for private actors to adjust their economic activities. This dissertation investigates how the government model, once introduced to postwar Japan, adapted and evolved in response to how Japanese private actors interpreted, evaluated, and reacted to depersonalized official statistics. I answer the question by studying a series of policy and social debates from 1945 to 1969 between bureaucrats, government-affiliated experts, academic economists, liberal economic magazines, and private think tanks on how to reform methods of publishing national income statistics. Drawing upon archival materials ranging from government documents and academic publications to magazine articles, interview transcripts, and autobiographies, this dissertation demonstrates that the introduction of national income accounting in postwar Japan led the recurring debates that compared and evaluated multiple methods of publishing official statistics in reference to private actors’ reactions to official statistics. Offering a closer look at the recurring debates, three case studies in this dissertation reveal how the formalization of official statistics based on national income accounting spread a debate that induced Japanese government officials and affiliated experts to rethink what private actors would demand for reliable statistics; how the publication of formalized official statistics stimulated private actors’ critical discussion questioning the link between depersonalized statistics and reliable government; and how private actors’ reactions to official statistics compelled postwar Japan’s economic bureaucracy to experiment with an alternative government model. The findings of this dissertation draw attention to Japan’s private actors who relied less on depersonalized numbers and more on numbers expressing the government’s strong will as a leader of conviction. The first case study highlights private actors who did not assess the reliability of official statistics based on formalized impersonality, but rather on statistical leadership with a strong determination to defend the autonomy of statistical operations against political pressures. Then, the second case study suggest that where private actors assume the inseparability of economic governance from inter-ministerial political struggles, the pursuit of objectivity in policymaking can provoke criticism as a bureaucratic art of evading responsibility. In postwar Japan, private actors associated the impersonal style of national income accounting with an unreliable government, while demanding more ambitious official statistics that boldly expressed the government’s will and ambition as a brave man who never hide or run away from political struggles. Finally, the third cast study demonstrates that postwar Japan’s economic bureaucracy eventually incorporated the use of official statistics to manage and reshape private actors’ expectations of the government’s leadership. Through the historical case studies, this dissertation suggests that the link between institutional efforts to depersonalize official statistics and a state bureaucracy’s authority as a reliable coordinator of the economy is an unstable socio-historical product. Its instability is a constant source of experiments for innovating a state bureaucracy’s use of official statistics to coordinate the economy. In sum, this dissertation illuminates the unintended consequences of spreading a government model based on formalizing activities across foreign institutional arrangements, which facilitated a distinct understanding of what private actors demand of and expect from a reliable reference point for their economic activities.

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