[pt] A investigação procurou discutir três reformas administrativas realizadas no Brasil que, na literatura especializada, aparecem com destaque. A primeira delas se desenvolveu durante o primeiro governo Vargas, a segunda ocorreu no governo Castelo Branco, em 1967, e a última, implantada durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, em 1995, a única ocorrida em regime democrático. A análise sobre as reformas administrativas é norteada por três principais eixos analíticos. O primeiro diz respeito à definição do papel do Estado e de sua relação com o mercado. O segundo trata do desdobramento da reforma administrativa sobre o sistema federativo, especialmente se privilegiou a centralização ou descentralização. O terceiro se refere à complexa relação entre governo e sociedade, mais especificamente à convivência entre aspectos clientelistas e a busca pelo universalismo de procedimentos. Concluiu-se que durante o governo Vargas teve início o ciclo de reformas administrativas, com a tentativa de implantar o Estado burocrático racional-legal. Neste momento, predominou a ênfase na centralização política e intensa predominância da atuação estatal na economia. No governo Castelo Branco, o Decreto-lei número 200, de 1967, procurou fortalecer a administração indireta, em contexto de intensa centralização no governo federal e de ainda expansão do Estado nacional-desenvolvimentista. A reforma administrativa de 1995 pretendia substituir a administração burocrática por modelos pós-burocráticos. Não logrou êxito, em razão da perspectiva fiscal que prevalecia à época, entretanto, promoveu redefinição das funções do Estado por meio da realização de privatizações e da criação de agências reguladoras, assim como procurou abrir algum espaço para a descentralização. / [en] The investigation intends to discuss three administrative reforms that took place in Brazil and that are shown with distinction in specialized literature. The first of them developed during the first Vargas administration, the second during the Castelo Branco administration in 1967, and the last was implemented during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in 1995, the only one occuring in a democratic regime. The analysis about the administrative reforms is guided by three main analytical axis. The first one concerns the definition of the role to be played by the State and of its relation to the Market. The second deals with the unfolding of the administrative reform over the federal system, more specifically if it prioritized centralization or decentralization. The third refers to the complex relationship between government and society, more specifically to the interactions between clientelistic aspects and a more universal approach towards general proceedings. It was concluded that during the Vargas administration a cycle of administrative reforms began with the intent to implement a bureaucratic rational-legal authority. In this particular moment, the emphasis in political centralization and in an intense presence of the State in the economy prevailed. In the course of the Castelo Branco administration, the 1967 decree-law number 200 intended to strengthen the indirect administration amid a moment of intense political centralization in the hands of the federal government and a parallel expansion of the national-developmentist State. The 1995 administrative reform intended to replace the bureaucratic administration models by post-bureaucratic ones. It did not succeed due to the fiscal perspectives that were predominant at the time. However, it provided a redefinition of the functions of the State by promoting privatizations and creating regulatory agencies, and aiming to find some space for decentralization.

Com a introdução das tecnologias da informação e comunicação (TICs) em governos, em especial a internet, tornou-se possível ampliar não só a capacidade e níveis de qualidade dos serviços prestados, mas também o enfoque na transparência, provocando diversas mudanças no âmbito do controle social e participação cidadã. Esta nova perspectiva de uso das TICs em governos para fins de ampliação de canais de participação é conhecida como governança eletrônica (e-governança). O objetivo desta dissertação é identificar quais os impactos da participação cidadã nas consultas públicas para a produção de leis e os limites e os desafios das consultas públicas online do Poder Legislativo federal. Os instrumentos de coleta de dados foram a visita estruturada ao website da consulta pública online, o e-Democracia, e entrevistas semiestruturadas dos gestores responsáveis pela consulta pública, bem como deputados envolvidos na elaboração da Lei das Lan Houses e seus apensados. Também foram entrevistados participantes da consulta pública e a associação de lan houses do Brasil. Em segundo lugar, foi realizada uma análise documental das contribuições para verificar quais as principais mudanças do pré-projeto em relação ao projeto final afim de mensurar o impacto da participação cidadã através da contagem das 10 palavras mais utilizadas em cada área documental; Proposições Legislativas dos Deputados, Contribuições Cidadãs pelo e-Democracia e Projeto Final enviado ao Senado Federal. Foi constatado neste estudo que as consultas públicas online podem ser consideradas um ambiente em que a e-participation se realiza, contudo, ainda existem limites e desafios para que esta participação ocorra devido a problemas gerenciais destas ferramentas de participação cidadã online e de outros problemas externos os quais literatura específica aborda e são retratadas na revisão de literatura e ressaltados nas considerações finais deste trabalho. As conclusões indicam que há evidências de que a participação cidadã tem impactos na produção colaborativa de legislações no governo federal, contudo, elas estão condicionadas a uma série de processos e condutas das áreas política, cultural, de recursos e de tecnologia. / With the introduction of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in government, in particular the Internet, it became possible not only to expand the capacity and quality levels of services, but also focus on transparency, leading to several changes within the social control and citizen participation. This new perspective on ICT use in governments for the purpose of expanding participation channels is known as electronic governance (e-governance). The objective of this dissertation is to identify the impacts of citizen participation in public online consultations for the production of laws and limits and challenges of public online consultations of federal legislative power. The instruments of data collection were the structured visit website of the online public consultation, the e-Democracy, and semi-structured interviews of managers responsible for public consultation, as well as representatives involved in drafting the Law on Lan Houses and joined her. Also interviewed were participants of the public consultation and the association of Internet cafes in Brazil. Secondly, there will be a documentary analysis of contributions to see what the main changes from the pre-project in relation to the final design in order to measure the impact of citizen participation by counting the 10 most frequently used words in each document area; Legislative Proposals Members, Citizens Contributions on e-Democracy and Final Project sent to Federal Senate. It is believed that public consultations are an online environment that can be performed e-participation, however, there are still limits and challenges to which this participation occurs due to management problems of these tools for citizen participation online and other external problems which addresses the specific literature and are portrayed in the literature review. The findings indicate that there is evidence that citizen participation has impacts on collaborative production of laws in the federal government, however, it is believed that they are conditioned to a number of dimensions as politics, culture, resources and technology.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-02-01T12:56:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 olegabramovjunior.pdf: 2823866 bytes, checksum: db907f759329e1c497878d38a1b7d065 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-03-21T15:04:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 olegabramovjunior.pdf: 2823866 bytes, checksum: db907f759329e1c497878d38a1b7d065 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-21T15:04:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 olegabramovjunior.pdf: 2823866 bytes, checksum: db907f759329e1c497878d38a1b7d065 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-09 / O trabalho se filia ao campo de pesquisa do universo das políticas sociais no Brasil em perspectiva comparada no tempo, valorizando os contextos institucionais que enredam governos e outros atores que interagem no processo de elaboração e efetivação de políticas públicas. Valendo-se de uma dimensão teórica singular, que relaciona teorias que enfatizam o papel das classes sociais como atores políticos relevantes com as que operam sob o prisma das instituições, o trabalho analisa as agendas sociais efetivadas em dois ciclos políticos recentes compostos respectivamente pelos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. As iniciativas públicas adotadas por cada qual impactam o Regime de Bem-Estar, cujas características conformam uma modalidade histórica distinta de outras trajetórias nacionais. O foco se concentra nas políticas que constituem a Seguridade Social – previdência, saúde e assistência social –, enfatizando aspectos relacionados à interação Estado-mercado, financiamento e cobertura, e abordadas analiticamente por uma perspectiva que realça os efeitos relacionados à estratificação que produz, reforça ou enfraquece, e que reflete sobre os níveis de desmercadorização e de desfamilirização que ensejam. Para além de aspectos tradicionalmente valorizados, explora-se o potencial emancipatório da política pública e a maneira como se encaixam em meio ao conjunto de prioridades eleitas por governos de matrizes ideológicas e enraizamentos sociais distintos. / The work joins the search field of the universe of social policies in Brazil in comparative perspective in time, valuing the institutional contexts that entangle governments interact with other actors in the process of preparation and execution of public policies. Taking advantage of a natural theoretical dimension, which relates theories that emphasize the role of social classes as relevant political actors with operating under the prism of the institutions, the paper analyzes the social agendas effect in two recent political cycles compounds respectively by Fernando governments Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Public initiatives adopted by each impact the Scheme of welfare, whose characteristics make up a distinct historical mode of other national trajectories. The focus is on policies that make up the Social Security - pension, health and social care - emphasizing aspects related to State-market interaction, funding and coverage, and covered analytically by a perspective that values the effects related to stratification that produces, reinforces or weakens, and reflecting on the levels of decommodification and non-familiarization giving rise. In addition to aspects traditionally valued the emancipatory potential is explored public policy and how fit through the set of priorities chosen by governments of ideological matrices and different social rootedness.

Esta tese analisa os fatores que afetam as escolhas dos governos subnacionais com relação à provisão de serviços públicos na federação brasileira, tomando como objeto empírico de análise o crescimento da municipalização do ensino fundamental no país (1997-2006). A interpretação dominante sobre a municipalização no Brasil aponta o Fundef, uma norma aprovada pelo governo federal, como o único fator explicativo desse resultado. A razão para isto é que as regras desta norma federal passam a atrelar o atendimento de alunos à receitas orçamentárias, o que teria despertado o interesse dos municípios em ampliar suas redes de ensino. No entanto, esta tese demonstra que o Fundef não é um fator suficiente para explicar nem a municipalização, nem a grande variação nos graus de municipalização verificados nos estados, bem como um número significativo de municípios paulistas que, mesmo com os incentivos do Fundef, optaram por não aumentar o atendimento municipal. Esse resultado só pode ser explicado por um conjunto de fatores que incluem outras regras federais e estaduais, a situação das contas públicas no momento da implementação do Fundef, o patamar inicial das matrículas, o partido político de governadores e prefeitos e outras variáveis de contexto local, como disponibilidade orçamentária e aspectos demográficos. As principais conclusões desta tese são: 1) o interesse dos governos estaduais em transferir o atendimento para seus municípios é o fator mais importante para explicar a municipalização e 2) quando este interesse se consubstancia em programas estaduais de municipalização, com incentivos adicionais ao Fundef, esses se tornam o principal fator explicativo da variação observada. / This thesis analyses the factors which explain the choices of subnational governments concerning the provision of public policies in the Brazilian federation. As a means of empirical testing, the decentralization of primary education from the states to municipalities, between 1997 and 2006, is taken as an object of study. The predominant interpretation on this matter points to the approval of a federal norm, known as Fundef, as the sole factor explaining decentralization. The reason for this interpretation is that the norm links the number of students being attended to the distribution of revenues, therefore, motivating city mayors to expand their school systems. However, this thesis shows that Fundef is not a sufficient factor to explain neither the decentralization nor the variation observed in the levels of decentralization among Brazilian states. Furthermore, an analysis of the choices made by municipalities in the state of São Paulo reveals that a significant number of them decided not to increase their school systems after the approval of the federal norm. All these results can only be explained when a set of other factors are incorporated into the analysis. Relevant factors are shown to be: other federal and state-level institutional rules, the situation of public finances at the time of Fundef\'s implementation, the initial level of student\'s enrolment, the political party of governors and mayors, and other specific, local variables, such as the availability of budget resources and demographic aspects. The two main conclusions of this thesis are: 1) the interest of state governments to transfer the responsibility of primary schools to their municipalities is the most important factor that explains successful decentralization and 2) when this interest is transformed into state programs with extra incentives to further decentralization, these become the main factor that explains the observed variation.

Esta dissertação busca contribuir para a reflexão a cerca da produção habitacional autogestionária voltada para a população de baixa renda. Para desenvolver essa discussão, primeiro construímos uma abordagem histórica da trajetória do movimento de moradia em torno da apropriação do princípio da autogestão, a partir da política habitacional do Regime Militar ao Governo Lula. Partimos do pressuposto de que o desenho das políticas públicas, particularmente a habitacional, é resultado da disputa de interesses e da interação entre Estado, mercado e sociedade civil. E que a partir dessa interação o movimento popular se formou, amadureceu e passou a interferir na formulação das políticas habitacionais. Assim, o processo de criação do Programa Crédito Solidário, parte integrante da atual Política Nacional de Habitação, não é uma simples reivindicação pontual, mas um passo na trajetória decorrente dessa interação. Ao analisarmos os processos de pleito, elaboração, operacionalização e implementação do Programa Crédito Solidário, definido como o instrumento de análise para compreender qual a importância da autogestão na política habitacional do Governo Lula, foi possível verificar os limites e potencialidades para a efetivação do princípio da autogestão na atual ação pública habitacional. / The present dissertation is a reflection about the selfmanagement housing production directed towards the low income population in Brazil. To achieve our objective, we first devoted our research to a historical reconstruction of the popular housing movement trajectory and its relation to the selfmanagement principle, inside the national housing policies, from the Military Regime until the President Lulas Government. In this context, we assume that the construction of any public policy, and especially the housing one, is a result of the natural dispute of interests between the Government, the market, and the civil society. Furthermore, we believe that the popular housing movement is a result of this interaction, where it grew, matured, and started to interfere in the housing policies formulation. Therefore, the creation of the Program of Support Credit, as part of the National Housing Policy, is not a simple punctual claim, but another step in the trajectory resulted from this interaction. In the process of analysis of the of election, elaboration, operation, and implementation of the Program of Support Credit defined as our instrument of analysis to understand the importance of selfmanagement in the Housing Policy of Lulas Government we verified the limits and potentialities for an effective use of the selfmanagement principle in the current public housing action.

The purpose of this study was to describe the influence of the federal government on higher education in Nigeria. This was done by taking a look at the historical influence of the Federal Ministry of Education, the State Ministry of Education of Nigeria, the influence of the universities and colleges on higher education, the influence of the Joint Admissions Matriculation Board (JAMB) in higher education, and the influence of the National Universities Commission on Higher Education in Universities and Colleges in Nigeria.

Through a case study methodology this research explores the decision-making process regarding financing services provided by the Canadian federal government to individual citizens. From a transparency and accountability perspective, for those services that benefit individuals versus society as whole, it is important to understand why some services are provided through general taxation while others are financed through user fees. The study utilizes public choice theory as developed in The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy which is the initial attempt to illustrate how the tools of economics may be applied to political institutions using a rational choice approach with an emphasis on rules about how choices are made. Rather than focusing on ‘what’ government spends funds on, the study focuses on ‘how’ government generates funds by examining three major actors: government, citizen-voters and pressure groups. This study furthers scientific knowledge as there has been prior research on distinguishing between public versus private goods, and deciding on how to publicly fund such goods, but there has been limited research undertaken on the actual decision-making process in financing public goods and services. From an academic perspective, this study is the first time that The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy model has been adapted and applied to the Canadian federal government. The study concludes that it depends on what elected officials decide to do to appeal to citizen-voters in order to win votes: appear fiscally prudent thus charge user fees; advance its political agenda with decisions to sometimes charge user fees or other times not; or limit costs to private sector organizations by deciding to not charge user fees. While elected officials make the decisions whether or not to charge user fees, it is the bureaucracy that implements these decisions.

In this study, I undertake a discourse analysis of struggles over representation as they were manifested in the Charlottetown referendum campaign. I utilize transcripts taken during the campaign derived from the CBC news programs The National, The Journal, and Sunday Report as well as from The CTV News. The issue of (im-)partiality provides the analytical focus for this study. Who can legitimately speak on behalf of whom, or, to what extent do individuals have a particular voice which places limitations on whom they can represent? On the one hand, underlying what I call the ‘universalistic’ discourse is the premise that human beings can act in an impartial manner so that all individuals have the capacity to speak or act in the interests of all other individuals regardless of the group(s) to which they belong. On the other hand, a competing discourse based on group-difference’ maintains that all representatives express partial voices depending on their group-based characteristics. I argue that the universalistic discourse was hegemonic in the transcripts but, at the same time, the group-difference discourse was successful at articulating powerful counter-hegemonic resistance. Ironically, the universalistic discourse was hegemonic despite widespread assumptions of partiality on the basis of province, region, language, and Aboriginality. This was possible because the universalistic discourse subsumed territorial notions of partiality within itself. In contrast, I argue that assumptions of Aboriginal partiality will likely diffuse themselves to other categories, beginning with gender, in the future. I also describe the strategies used by the competing discourses to undermine one another. The universalistic discourse successfully portrayed the group-difference discourse as an inversion to a dangerous apartheid-style society where individuals were forced to exist within group-based categories. The group-difference discourse used the strategy of anomaly to demonstrate that individuals were inevitably categorized in the universalistic discourse; impartiality was a facade for a highly-partial ruling class. In examining these strategies, I demonstrate that the group-difference discourse justified its own position by making assumptions about the operation of power and dominance in society. Thus, impartiality was impossible not for the post-modern reason that inherent differences make representation highly problematic, but because power relations hinder the ability of representatives to act in a truly impartial manner. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Missing from extant conflict literature is an examination of both symmetric and asymmetric conflict ties. To address this void, network analysis was utilized to examine the responses (both symmetric and asymmetric conflict ties) of 140 employees and managers in four divisions of a large agency of the Federal Government. The study was limited to conflict over scarce resources. Conflict management methods were examined as well as the perceptions of how respondents both cope with and feel about conflict. The results indicate that when two people in a conflict setting are structurally equivalent they both report actions and feelings that are opposite from those of- the other person. This finding, an inverse contagion effect, has been termed diffusion resistance.

"Sudan has been selected for purposes of this study because of its recent stride towards securing peace through a comprehensive political reorganisation, which for the most part employs the notion of federalism. Indicentally, the Interim National Constitution of Sudan, adopted on 9 July 2005 (Interim Constitution), provides for a decentralised system of governance. The Interim Constitution grants Southern Sudan autonomy to extend over a six-year period, which will culminate in a referendum in the South on whether it should remain part of Sudan or secede to form another state. ... This study will consist of five chapters. Chapter one will principally set out the content and objective of the study. Chapter two will be the theoretical framework comprising an analysis of the concept of federalism from which the notion of autonomy is derived. The significance of the federal principle in meeting the challenges of multiculturalism will also form part of the discussion. Chapter three will outline the history of federalism in Sudan and attempts at its use as a tool for political integration. This chapter will comprise an analysis of the content of autonomy under the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972. Chapter four will consist of an analysis of the federal principle as embodied in the Interim National Constitution of Sudan. In so doing, it is expected that its potential perils and possibilities of success will be brought to the fore. Chapter five will comprise conclusions drawn here from." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Nico Steytler at the Faculty of Law, Community Law Centre, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM