In the period of the first Czechoslovak Republic social work was the important part of social politic and it worked as a repressive assistance, nowadays we consider social work as an activated and motivational help for clients. The then social work, which is the synonym for the social care, was provided in collaboration with public and private entities. The health, social and educational elements of provincial and district care were sucessfully united mainly in the Czech. These steps went to the comprehensive conception of social work. The Czechoslovak Republic relied on the work of volunteers and the state also supported them with finances and delegated many tasks on them. The multilateralism and jaggedness of extensive voluntary social work brought many advantanges for the state and many poor people were helped. The lack of authority and the ambivalence of voluntary social workers were the darker side of voluntary entities. The absence of the legal regulations was the main cause of these problems. Social workers in the first Czechoslovakia Republic made very important steps to establish social work as the fully-fledged work profession. These steps made by social workers included creation of a valuable and ethical frame work of social work. They have also created an international collaboration which has become standard of these days.

The thesis Radio Broadcasting for the German Minority in the Czech Countries until the Year 1945, with the Example of the Melnik Broadcast Transmitter describes the radio broadcasting for the German people living in Bohemia and Moravia in the period from its formation until the year 1945. It concentrates on the radio broadcaster in Melnik that was built in 1938 with the purpose of giving a special broadcasting to the German minority living in the Czech countries. The analytical part is divided into three sections: broadcasting for the Germans in the First and Second Republic and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Another chapter focuses on the broadcasting from The Soviet Union (especially on the broadcaster Sudetendeutscher Freiheitssender) and Great Britain. It focuses on the contrasting access to the radio broadcasting for this group from the side of the Czech political representation and from the side of the German state. In the Czechoslovakia, there was this broadcasting in hands of the private institution Urania. The Sudeten Germans have focused their attention to the German stations, which were offering them more popular program. This study describes the influence of the German propaganda on the Sudeten Germans behaviour and the reaction of the Czechoslovakian Broadcasting Company. It...

Dissertation thesis discusses the consumption of cocoa, coffee, tea and chocolate in the interwar period in the Czechoslovakia. On the basis of statistical data and examination of archival sources comes with the definition of the middle classes of the population, which those commodities consumed. The thesis shows the distribution of consumption of commodities based on the survey in blue-collar and white-collar families. Furthermore provides insight into the lives of families, distribution of their spending and the size of income. It refers to the representation of cocoa, coffee, tea and chocolate in the consumer basket and shows the elasticity of the mentioned commodities. For the central part of the research of the dissertation thesis chose the Czech territory only, because here were without difficulty accessible data sources. The Dissertation thesis clarifies the causes of consuming cocoa, coffee, tea and chocolate and concludes that each was consumed from another purpose, which resulted status of these commodities. Tea consumption has been designed especially for the higher classes of the population, chocolate bought mostly white-collar family, but over twenties speared consumption of chocolate products also among the middle and lower classes into the population. The chocolate products were subject to early 20s of the luxury tax. Cocoa was used in connection with cooking and baking, but families didnt use this product frequently. Coffee drank all layers of the population, but consumption was based on the social status of the consumer. Very frequently families consume rye coffee and chicory coffee. Dissertation thesis also highlights the regional differences between the classes, which were further intensified. Thesis examines in detail the amount of the duties of the commodity, which in the interwar period varied widely, and concludes that the duty to disproportionately increase the price of products and made it impossible for consumers to buy more of cocoa, coffee, tea and chocolate.

The study "Democrat Petr Zenkl (from teaching to the exile)" is a complex political monography of one of the most important Czechoslovak politicians, PhDr. Petr Zenkl. It focuses on his resistance to the rule of Austria-Hungary, his early activities and the beginnings of his political career, his municipal work in Prague, his participation in the governments of the First and Third Czechoslovak republic, his career in the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party and his leading role among anti-comunist exiles in the USA during the Cold War.

The goal of this thesis is to show the life and functioning of the Senate of the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia. The upper house of the Czechoslovak Parliament functioned between 1920 and 1939 after which it was officially dissolved during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. In the concerned period, the chamber was gradually saw 444 lawmakers of seven different nationalities. The biggest number consisted of Czechs and Germans. The functioning of the Senate is analyzed from multiple angles. First the debate accompanying the establishment of a second chamber before the adoption of the new Constitution in 1920 is analyzed. Attention is also paid to the period debates and unrealized proposals for a Senate reform at the end the 1920's, linked to the proposed creation of the Economic Parliament. Also shown is the proportional representation electoral system used for elections to the Senate. The results were reflected in a large number of political parties with low electoral gains, which in turn hindered the creation of a stable political environment. The thesis considers the party, ethnic, social, intellectual and oratory activities of individual senators. The lives of some of the lawmakers who held seats in the upper chamber in the First Republic and were negatively affected by the German...

Abstract in English language This work depicts the life story story of a "self-made man" Jaroslav Salda, the creator and director of the Melantrich, the biggest printing company in Czechoslovak time of so called First Republic. It is doing so by compiling interviews with period witnesses, archival documents and literary sources. Each chapter is a part of the answer to the question: How is it possible that the illegitimate child without funds and university education had become the man with extensive expertise, the frequent guest of Ministers and the President and the powerful head of the media industry? This text as a whole, firmly tied to the history of the Czech nation and Melantrich, reflects the experience of the man who dedicated his life to building, because he considered the constructive, innovative, diligent and hard work the main means of fulfillment in life and the key to success. It shows a person which embodies the adage: Where there is a will, there is a way. Key words Jaroslav Salda, Melantrich, Czech National Socialist Party, Ceske slovo, Svobodne slovo, Hvezda, Vaclavske namesti, a time of so called First Republic, capitalism, business, director, print, newspapers, Publishing Company, resistance activity.

Am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs lebte in Deutschösterreich und im Deutschen Reich mit dem Zerfall der Habsburgermonarchie und den Revolutionen im November 1918 die Erinnerung an die 48er-Revolution wieder auf. Die Revolutionserinnerung wurde insbesondere von den deutsch-österreichischen Sozialdemokraten zur Legitimierung der Forderung nach dem Anschluss an das Deutsche Reich herangezogen. Da die Vollziehung des Anschlusses jedoch am Einspruch der westlichen Siegermächte scheiterte, konnte im Deutschen Reich eine mit der Anschlussforderung eng verknüpfte Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution von Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten wenig zur Legitimierung der Weimarer Republik beitragen (während die Anschlussforderung in Deutschösterreich gerade darauf zielte, die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufzuheben). Vielmehr wurde die Kritik am reichsdeutschen Rat der Volksbeauftragten, in Reaktion auf die deutschösterreichische Anschlusserklärung vom 12. November 1918 den Anschluss nicht vollzogen zu haben, zu einem politischen Allgemeinplatz. Träger der Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution blieben in beiden Republiken ganz überwiegend die Arbeiterparteien, wobei im Reich Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten dabei völlig entgegengesetzte Ziele verfolgten. Auch einen geschichtspolitischen Konsens zwischen reichsdeutschen Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten gab es nicht, wie sich schon in der Abstimmung über die Flaggenfrage am 3. Juli 1919 zeigte. / At the end of World War I, as the Habsburg Monarchy fell apart, the memory of the revolution of 1848 was revived in German-Austria and the German Empire by the new revolutions of November 1918. The revolution of 1848 was drawn on particularly by the German-Austrian social democrats to legitimize their demand to unite German-Austria with the German Empire (the so-called “Anschluss”). When the victorious Western powers prevented the realization of the Anschluss, the attempts by social democrats and democrats in the German Empire to use the memory of the revolution of 1848 to legitimize the new Weimar Republic had only little success because they were closely related to the demand for the Anschluss of Austria (whereas in Austria of course the demand for the “Anschluss” aimed at ending the existence of German-Austria as an independent state). Rather, it became common place in the Weimar Republic to criticize the “Rat der Volksbeauftragten” (the revolutionary government of 1918-1919) for not having realized the Anschluss in response to its declaration by the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on November 12, 1918. The workers’ parties were first and foremost those who continued to keep the memory of the revolution of 1848 in both republics alive. However, in doing so, social democrats and communists in the German Empire persued opposing political objectives. Moreover, there was neither a consensus between social democrats and democrats in the Weimar Republic in regards to the memory of the revolution of 1848. This lack of agreement was already apparent in the decision of the national assembly concerning the flag of the new republic on July 3, 1919.