The focus of this work lies in an examination of the effect of technological sophistication upon, and the reactions to technological sophistication by, the United States in its active participation in the international arena. Specifically, this work is to be an examination of one aspect of twentieth century technology, that of the transfer of technology, within the foreign policy considerations of the United States. This work will be further limited to an examination of American foreign policy of technology transfer to the underdeveloped countries of the world.

Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey / For decades, realism reigned as the predominant paradigm for understanding international relations. In recent years, however, competing theories of international relations have emerged. This paper engages with one of these recent theories, constructivism, and argues that it better explains Saudi foreign policy than the balance-of-power theory that has come to dominate realist scholarship. By analyzing critical foreign policy decisions by Saudi Arabia throughout its history and leveraging ideas like “omnibalancing,” this paper argues that Saudi foreign policy is consistently ideological and concerned with domestic policy.

The purpose of this thesis is to present and explain Greece's foreign policy towards former Yugoslavia within the context of European Political Cooperation (EPC) during the period of June 1991-December 1992. This aspect of Greece's foreign policy was primarily defined by the dispute with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), that essentially constituted the more recent manifestation of the Macedonian Question. The analysis of Greek foreign policy within EPC will be based on the theory of institutionalism, which claims that international regimes can influence state behavior towards cooperative actions. The application of institutionalism requires the existence of common interests and the presence of at least one regime. This thesis shows the significant interests shared by Greece and FYROM, as well as how EPC can be viewed as a regime. Crucially, EPC was primarily responsible for dealing with issues arising from the disintegration of Yugoslavia during the months covered in this thesis. It will be demonstrated that until mid- January 1992, the Greek government pursued politics of cooperation and flexibility, often contrary to perceived national interests. These politics were primarily regime-produced and related, and hence explained by the theory of institutionalism. After 17 January 1991 however, Greece practised politics of limited cooperation within EPC and confrontation against FYROM. The issue of the new republic's exact name gradually became of paramount importance, provoking popular passions and subordinating all other issues and concerns connected to former Yugoslavia. Such developments were ultimately the result of domestic and partisan politics that were entirely unrelated to EPC, thus causing the decline of institutionalism's explanatory power. Given this record, the thesis will argue that the specific expansion of the conditions required for the application of institutionalism would allow the theory to retain its explanatory and predictive relevance. Finally, specific lessons on the conduct of Greek foreign policy will be discussed.

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Since Trump came to power, American diplomatic style has changed significantly, especially concerning China's strategy. With the background of the economic, political and diplomatic gap between China and America narrowing. Although Trump continues the previous government's 'Asia-Pacific rebalancing' strategy to some extent, he shows his unique style and is more realistic. At the same time, Trump's government's efforts to restructure Sino-U. S. relations are constrained by many factors. With the development and change of political and economic situations, new adjustments will be made to the U.S. policy towards China, and the development of Sino-U.S. relations will retain great plasticity. However, the right way for Sino-U.S. relations to go is to build a win-win relationship with benign competition. First of all, the development content of the U.S.'s China policy is considered. Second, the reasons for Trump's adjustment of China policy is explained. Then, an analysis of the impact of Trump's China policy proves that this series of competition has more negative than positive impacts. Finally, some measures and methods to enable the Trump administration to improve the foreign policy toward China, also the healthy development trends of China and the U.S. are proposed.

This dissertation examines Ulysses S. Grant’s Reconstruction policy, both the domestic and foreign policies, as an integrated whole. He focused on the broad application of citizenship rights, not only for African Americans in the South, but for all peoples in the United States’ sphere of influence. The centerpiece of Grant’s Reconstruction policy was the “Grant Doctrine,” articulated in his 1869 memorandum considering whether to annex the Dominican Republic to the United States. In it, Grant delineated his determination to export the republican policies of Reconstruction to the Caribbean by the acquisition of the island territory. Grant envisioned exporting the ideals of Reconstruction, the rights of citizenship, and the republican values of the Reconstruction Amendments, to people never previously considered for full membership in the body politic of the United States. Grant’s decisions to annex the Dominican Republic and grant the Dominicans citizenship reflect the responsibilities Grant had to enforce equal rights for those seeking to join the Union. Grant’s desire to provide a path to citizenship for Native Americans (whether they wanted it or not) and his effort to withhold citizenship from Mormons due to the immorality of their practice of polygamy, added to the changing views of citizenship in this era. Grant’s Reconstruction policy also included his desire to help Chinese immigrants break the bonds of forced labor, though that ultimately led to their eventual exclusion. This dissertation examines all of these initiatives as well as the position of African American leaders who questioned the president’s decision-making and argued against his policies, while never wavering in their political support of him or his party. Together, Grant’s foreign and domestic policies represented a singular Reconstruction effort centered on the question of citizenship. The Grant administration sought to export Reconstruction beyond the borders of the American South, restoring and strengthening the Union while, at the same time, offering republicanism, liberty, equality, and free labor, to peoples of the Western Hemisphere writ large and the peoples of the world migrating to the United States.

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Domestic politics in Brazil is still very disconnected from the country’s foreign policy and international stance on human rights issues. That indifference creates a twofold problem, both for Brazil’s ambition to be a major world power, and for a world that needs a country with Brazil’s heft and legitimacy with the nations and institutions of both the Global North and South.

In this thesis, pre-Baath period of Syrian foreign policy between 1946 and 1963 is analyzed. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the main characteristics of the Syrian foreign policy. This thesis argues that foreign policy perception of Syrian politicians regardless of their class, ideology and political orientations depended on historically rooted pragmatism in which interest calculations, shifting alliances and external patronage had special importance. In order to understand pragmatism in Syrian foreign policy, determinants of Syrian foreign policy will be examined by looking at three interacting environments: the domestic, regional and international. It will be showed that Syrian foreign policy was shaped by these interlinked environments and pragmatic responses of Syrian policymakers to opportunities and challenges coming from these environments. Syrian politics from 1946 to 1963 can be marked by excessive political instability in the form of factionalism, successive coup d&rsquo / &eacute / tats and counter-coups. This thesis also examines the relationship between coups and foreign policy and whether coups affected Syrian foreign policy or not.

The study sheds light on the impact of the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990 on Kuwaiti foreign policy, with particular reference to changes in behaviour towards Iraq, from 1990-2010, and the impact of this invasion on changes to the concepts of Kuwaiti foreign policy at regional, Arab and international levels. Thus, the study investigates the ‘impact’ of this invasion on Kuwaiti foreign behavior towards Iraq during the period from 1990 to 2010, the principles and determinants of Kuwaiti foreign policy towards Iraq in this period, and the ‘outstanding issues’ between Iraq and Kuwait and the Kuwaiti vision for Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime from 2003 until 2010. It finds that the trauma of the invasion drastically affected both Arab politics overall and Kuwait’s own policy: for the first time the notion of alliance became a cornerstone of Kuwait’s overall foreign policy – even if its geographical location and exposure to possible threats from Iraq meant that, after Saddam’s fall in 2003, there was a gradual evolution towards trying to help a stabilisation in that country occur. The combination of geographical location and ideational factors in the shape of sectarian cleavages crossing domestic and regional theatres, meant a continued sharp focus not only on military security with external help, but also on the pre-emption of spill-over effects from the sectarianised Iraqi political landscape to Kuwait’s own latent ethno-sectarian divisions. Even so, there were certain red lines that remained uncrossed, in the shape of the so-called outstanding issues that remained to be resolved between Iraq and Kuwait.