No description available.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Think tanks are generally described as nonprofit institutions made up of experts who achieve change by offering policy prescriptions to lawmakers and by strategically marketing their ideas in the media. They have been part of the American political landscape since the turn of the 20th century, and there are now hundreds of such organizations across the country. This study was directed to state-based groups on the conservative side of the political spectrum that produce policy research in support of their political philosophy of a limited role for government, free enterprise in the marketplace, and greater individual liberty. The purpose was to examine the effectiveness of state-level, free-market think tanks, using some of the same criteria that have been applied to national think tanks; evaluate their use of nonprofit networks and the types of social capital they generate; and provide new insights into this relationship.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research report is a comparative analysis of the pre-1996 marketing control board system and the post-1996 free market system in the fruit and vegetable industry in South Africa. The report investigates and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of both systems and their effect on the stakeholders of the industry. The control boards had both positive and negative effects on the producer within the fruit and vegetable industry. The free market system is currently also having an effect, both positive and negative, on the producer. In this research report these divergent effects are explored, the objective being to obtain a better understanding of their impact on the industry stakeholders. On reaching a clearer understanding, strategy recommendations have been designed and are presented for all producers operating within the fruit and vegetable industry. The fresh produce industry is large, with many stakeholders. The information potentially available is vast, but, given the fact that time was too limited to do a complete research study on the entire industry, it was decided to focus on four sectors of the industry, namely bananas, deciduous fruit, citrus and potatoes. To give the report more credibility in terms of the data acquired, a number of interviews were conducted with producers and producer organisation leaders, from whom first-hand, ground level information was obtained. In this research it was found, among other things, that in general there was an imbalance in both the producer and consumer surplus in South Africa. Despite regulation, the marketing control boards had, through the pooling of prices, provided benefits only to certain producers. This, in effect, meant that quality improvement was largely negated, as the return to the producer did not provide an incentive to produce a better quality product. Contrary to the control board system, the free market system provides industry stakeholders with many opportunities, while the role of producers is also evolving to incorporate aspects of marketing. Producers consider service excellence, and culture and diversity to be important. Furthermore, in terms of available channels for marketing, many producers view the fresh produce markets as a desirable means of marketing their produce, as these outlets are still considered to be the price-determining mechanism for the fresh produce industry. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag is 'n vergelykende studie van die bemarkingsbeheerraadstelsel voor 1996 en die vryemarkstelsel ná 1996 in die vrugte- en groentebedryf in Suid-Afrika. Die verslag ondersoek en bespreek die voor- en nadele van albei stelsels en hul uitwerking op die bedryf se belangegroepe. Die beheerrade het ’n positiewe sowel as negatiewe uitwerking op die produsent in die vrugte- en groentebedryf gehad. Die vryemarkstelsel het tans ook ’n positiewe sowel as negatiewe uitwerking op die produsent. Hierdie uiteenlopende gevolge word in hierdie navorsingsverslag verken om só ’n beter begrip van die impak daarvan op die bedryf se belanghebbers te verkry. Strategie-aanbevelings is op grond van groter begrip ontwerp en aan produsente in die vrugte- en groentebedryf voorgelê. Varsprodukte is die grootste bedryf in vrugte- en groentebedryf, en daar is talle belangegroepe. Die inligtingsmoontlikhede is enorm, maar gegewe die feit dat tyd te beperk was om ’n volledige navorsingstudie van die hele bedryf te onderneem, is daar besluit om vier sektore te beklemtoon, naamlik piesangs, sagtevrugte, sitrus en aartappels. Om die verslag meer geloofwaardigheid te gee ten opsigte van die data wat verkry is, is ’n aantal onderhoude met produsente en die leiers van produsentorganisasies gevoer om eerstehandse, voetsoolvlakinligting te bekom. Die verslag het onder meer bevind dat daar oor die algemeen ’n wanbalans in die produsente- sowel as verbruikersurplus in Suid-Afrika is. Die bemarkingsbeheerrade het ondanks regulasie voordele slegs aan sekere produsente gebied deur die saampot van pryse. Dit het in werklikheid beteken dat gehalteverbetering grootliks ontken is omdat die opbrengs nie die produsent aangespoor het om die gehalte van hul produkte te verbeter nie. Die vryemarkstelsel bied, in teenstelling met die beheerraadstelsel, talle geleenthede aan die bedryf se belangegroepe terwyl die rol van produsente ook ontwikkel word om aspekte van bemarking te inkorporeer. Produsente beskou voortreflike diens, en kultuur en diversiteit as belangrik. Daarby beskou produsente die varsproduktemark, wat een van die beskikbare bemarkingskanale is, as ’n wenslike manier om hul produkte te bemark omdat dié afsetpunt steeds as die prysbepalende meganisme vir die varsproduktebedryf gesien word.

Submitted by Maria Aparecida (cidazen@gmail.com) on 2017-05-04T13:02:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RAYANA PEREIRA SOTÃO ARRAES.pdf: 929825 bytes, checksum: c0ff57576facb193781ec406cebfd96c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-04T13:02:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RAYANA PEREIRA SOTÃO ARRAES.pdf: 929825 bytes, checksum: c0ff57576facb193781ec406cebfd96c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-29 / The Constitution of 1988 expressly guaranteed the State's commitment to promote education, culture, sport and recreation to citizens. Similarly, in order to achieve the goal of promoting the Republic development, it disciplined economic order in particular session and expressly tutored private property and free enterprise. Although the operation of educational and cultural activities has been authorized to the private sector with significant autonomy, leaving the state the role of monitoring the compliance of the exercise of such activity to the values of society - such as the exercise of the social function of property - State interference upon free initiative of the entertainment business sector has been gigantic, on the grounds of democratization of education and culture, as with federal laws 9870/99 and 12.933 / 2013. This paper analyzes such laws, seeking to identify the incompatibility thereof with the Constitution, as well as demonstrating the negative consequences to democracy, the economic environment and access to education and culture, in that it interferes with administrative and financial autonomy of private enterprises of the branches pointed out, to ensure the rights to education and culture, transfering this burden to the private sector. / O texto constitucional de 1988 trouxe expressamente o compromisso do Estado em promover a educação, cultura, esporte e lazer aos cidadãos. Da mesma forma, com o intuito de concretizar o objetivo da República de promoção do desenvolvimento, disciplinou a ordem econômica em sessão específica e tutelou expressamente a propriedade privada e a livre iniciativa. Embora a exploração de atividades educacionais e culturais tenha sido autorizada à iniciativa privada com significativa autonomia, restando ao Estado o papel de fiscalização da conformidade do exercício de tal atividade aos valores da sociedade – tais como o exercício da função social da propriedade – a interferência do Estado na livre iniciativa do setor empresarial de entretenimento tem sido agigantada, sob a justificativa de democratização da educação e da cultura, como acontece com as leis federais 9.870/99 e 12.933/2013. O presente trabalho analisa as referidas leis, buscando apontar a incompatibilidade das mesmas com o texto constitucional, bem como demonstrando os reflexos negativos à democracia, ao cenário econômico e ao acesso à educação e à cultura, na medida em que interfere na autonomia administrativo-financeira das empresas privadas dos ramos apontados, sob a justificativa de garantia dos direitos à educação e à cultura, por via reversa de transferência deste ônus à iniciativa privada.

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the regional arm of the United Nations in Africa, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) is faced with the challenge of conforming to the broader agenda of its mother body while it simultaneously strives to be seen to devise solutions that are unique to Africa's development needs. This means that the ECA needs to find a way of striking a balance between the demands of international development trends and the viability of such trends for Africa. The United Nations, similarly to other influential multilateral institutions like the World Bank, has moved into the 21st century with the 'partnerships approach' to development. The central idea behind these partnerships is that of promoting active participation between the state, the private sector and civil society in contributing towards development. What this means, therefore, is that development is no longer viewed as the sole responsibility of the state, but rather calls for a closer working relationship between these three sectors. Given the fact that these sectors are at different levels of development in many African countries, with some countries not even having an active civil society, private sector or even a strong state, the ECA has to make sense of what exactly partnerships mean for Africa. This study is based on an understanding that if the ECA wishes to have an impact on the African continent, it will have to engage its Member States in order to develop a common idea and approach to the conceptualisation and implementation of partnerships in Africa. In light of this background, this study focuses on South Africa as a Member State of the ECA and one of a few countries that have a strong civil society and developed private sector. What is also significant about South Africa is the fact that a number of significant initiatives that involve both state and non-state actors have been evident in the period since the first democratic elections of 1994, thus allowing for an informed response from representatives of the different sectors. A South African response has thus been compiled from the six interviews that were conducted, two with representatives from each of the three sectors. Following from the responses, the study makes recommendations as to how the ECA can playa leading role in promoting partnerships in Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigde Nasies se Ekonomiese Kommissie vir Afrika (EKA), 'n streeksvertakking van die Verenigde Nasies in Afrika, staan gedurig voor die uitdaging om te konformeer met die breër agenda van die moederorganisasie, maar streef terselfdertyd daarna om spesifieke antwoorde te vind vir Afrika se unieke ontwikkelingsbehoeftes. Dit beteken dat die EKA 'n middeweg tussen die eise van internasionale ontwikkelingstendense en die toepaslikheid daarvan in Afrika moet vind. Net soos die Wêreldbank en ander invloedryke internasionale instansies, is die Verenigde Nasies se benadering tot ontwikkeling in die een en twintigste eeu geskoei op 'n vennootskapsbasis. Die onderliggende oogmerk van dié benadering is die aanmoediging van aktiewe bydraes tot ontwikkeling deur die staat, privaatsektor en burgerlike samelewing. Derhalwe beteken dit dat ontwikkeling nie meer gesien word as die uitsluitlike verantwoordelikheid van die staat nie, maar eerder as 'n funksie van samewerking tussen die drie bogenoemde sektore. Aangesien baie Afrika state hulself op verskillende vlakke van ontwikkeling bevind, tesame met die feit dat sommige nie oor 'n aktiewe burgerlike samelewing, private sektor, of selfs 'n sterk staat beskik nie, is dit die taak van die EKA om gestalte te gee aan die konsep van 'vennootskappe' binne 'n Afrika konteks. Hierdie studie gaan uit vanaf die standpunt dat die EKA alleenlik 'n impak sal hê as lidstate betrek word om 'n gemeenskaplike verstandhouding en benadering tot die konsepsualisering en implimentering van vennootskappe in Afrika te ontwikkel. In die lig van bogenoemde, fokus die studie op Suid-Afrika, as EKA lidstaat en een van 'n paar Afrika state met 'n sterk burgerlike samelewing en goed ontwikkelde privaatsektor. 'n Verdere belangrike dimensie in die geval van Suid-Afrika, is die aantal belangrike inisiatiewe wat gesamentlik tussen staats- en nie-staatsinstansies sedert 1994 aangepak is. Hierdie inisiatiewe het verseker dat verteenwoordigers van alle sektore 'n ingeligte benadering tot besluite rakende die ontwikkeling van die streek kon volg. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie projek is ses onderhoude gevoer - twee per sektor - ten einde 'n beter begrip te kry van die land se benadering tot vennootskappe in diens van ontwikkeling. As 'n uitvloeisel van hierdie studie, word 'n aantal aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe die EKA 'n leidende rol kan speel in die aanmoediging van vennootskappe in Afrika.

In early Victorian England, the new philosophy of social democracy challenged the bourgeois creed of laissezfaire. An important aspect of this struggle, which historians have neglected, is the campaign (1831-1853) for a shorter and regulated factory workday. This study concludes that during the Parliamentary debates on factory legislation, Britain's leaders, regardless of party affiliation, decided that the Government, indeed, had an obligation to assist the victims of social and economic injustice, a decision which meant the end of laissez-faire.

A Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988, primeiro texto constitucional após o regime militar no país, é um texto plural, pleno de significados e ambivalências, resultado de um esforço na busca de consensos em uma assembleia constituinte heterogênea num país democraticamente jovem. A abrangência de significados da Magna Carta precisa, portanto, a fim de ser aplicada às realidades também plurais e heterogêneas de um país enorme como o Brasil, ser interpretada à luz dessas mesmas realidades, sempre situadas e datadas. Nesse diapasão, a dedução dogmática da esfera legítima da atuação estatal no domínio econômico só pode ser apreendida através da técnica ponderativa, levando em conta o fato da constituição econômica encravada no texto da Lei Maior estabelecer como regra o desenvolvimento da atividade econômica pela livre iniciativa da sociedade. Sob o signo da emancipação da sociedade e da liberdade de empreender por um lado, e da obrigação do Estado garantir as condições da liberdade e do posicionamento estratégico do Brasil no cenário geopolítico e econômico mundial de outro, serão relidas as modalidades interventivas estatais como a prestação de serviços públicos, as atuações monopolistas e em regime de concorrência com a iniciativa privada, produzindo um quadro com as condições que justifiquem a presença do Estado na economia, servindo de guia dinâmico para a elucidação das fronteiras sempre contingentes entre as esferas pública e privada no domínio econômico. / The Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, first constitutional text after the military regime in the country, is a plural text, full of meanings and ambivalences, as the result of an effort for consensus in a heterogeneous constitutional parliament in a democratically young country. The abrangency of meanings of the Chart need, thus, in order to be applied to the also plural and heterogeneous realities of an enormous country such Brazil, to be interpreted in light of these very realities, always situated and dated. In consonance, the dogmatic deduction of the legitimate sphere of state actuation in the economic dominium can only be apprehended through the balancing technique, taking into account the fact that the economic constitution embedded in the constitutional text stipulates, as the rule, the development of economic activity by the private free initiative. Under the sign of emancipation of society and free enterprise on the one hand, and of the States obligations to ensure conditions of freedom, economic development and strategic positioning of Brazil in the geopolitical and economic world on the other, should be considered the state interventives modalities such as public services, monopolist actuation and in concurrence with private initiative, composing a frame with the conditions that legitimate the state presence in the economy, serving as a dynamic guide for the elucidation of the frontiers, always contingent, between the public and private spheres in the economic dominium.

A Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988, primeiro texto constitucional após o regime militar no país, é um texto plural, pleno de significados e ambivalências, resultado de um esforço na busca de consensos em uma assembleia constituinte heterogênea num país democraticamente jovem. A abrangência de significados da Magna Carta precisa, portanto, a fim de ser aplicada às realidades também plurais e heterogêneas de um país enorme como o Brasil, ser interpretada à luz dessas mesmas realidades, sempre situadas e datadas. Nesse diapasão, a dedução dogmática da esfera legítima da atuação estatal no domínio econômico só pode ser apreendida através da técnica ponderativa, levando em conta o fato da constituição econômica encravada no texto da Lei Maior estabelecer como regra o desenvolvimento da atividade econômica pela livre iniciativa da sociedade. Sob o signo da emancipação da sociedade e da liberdade de empreender por um lado, e da obrigação do Estado garantir as condições da liberdade e do posicionamento estratégico do Brasil no cenário geopolítico e econômico mundial de outro, serão relidas as modalidades interventivas estatais como a prestação de serviços públicos, as atuações monopolistas e em regime de concorrência com a iniciativa privada, produzindo um quadro com as condições que justifiquem a presença do Estado na economia, servindo de guia dinâmico para a elucidação das fronteiras sempre contingentes entre as esferas pública e privada no domínio econômico. / The Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, first constitutional text after the military regime in the country, is a plural text, full of meanings and ambivalences, as the result of an effort for consensus in a heterogeneous constitutional parliament in a democratically young country. The abrangency of meanings of the Chart need, thus, in order to be applied to the also plural and heterogeneous realities of an enormous country such Brazil, to be interpreted in light of these very realities, always situated and dated. In consonance, the dogmatic deduction of the legitimate sphere of state actuation in the economic dominium can only be apprehended through the balancing technique, taking into account the fact that the economic constitution embedded in the constitutional text stipulates, as the rule, the development of economic activity by the private free initiative. Under the sign of emancipation of society and free enterprise on the one hand, and of the States obligations to ensure conditions of freedom, economic development and strategic positioning of Brazil in the geopolitical and economic world on the other, should be considered the state interventives modalities such as public services, monopolist actuation and in concurrence with private initiative, composing a frame with the conditions that legitimate the state presence in the economy, serving as a dynamic guide for the elucidation of the frontiers, always contingent, between the public and private spheres in the economic dominium.