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San Felipe de Neri, a neighborhood located in the Historic District of Panama, is the object of physical, economic and social transformations that are affecting its residents' daily lives. Revitalization and gentrification drive these transformations as wealthy Panamanians invest in the neighborhood, and affluent foreigners flock to it since it became a World Heritage Site in 1997. This dissertation addresses perceptions and reactions residents have because of these physical, economic and social challenges. This study poses four main questions: 1. What physical, economic, and social (quality of life) changes have taken place in the Historic District of San Felipe from the early twentieth century to the present? To what extent are these changes the result of global processes, local processes, or both? 2. How do residents perceive these changes? Is there any significant difference in opinions and attitudes among residents regarding changes that revitalization and gentrification impose on the neighborhood? If so, how and why are they different? 3. To what extent have residents participated in these transformations? and 4. How do residents who have been relocated perceive these changes? My research analyzes Smith's five characteristics of a third wave of gentrification: first, the transformed role of the state; second, the penetration by global finance; third, changing levels of political opposition; fourth, geographical dispersal; and fifth, the sectoral generalization of gentrification and its relevance for my case study of San Felipe. This methodology enlists quantitative and qualitative methods to address these research questions to gain insight about residents' perspectives regarding these transformations. Findings indicate that both residents and ex-residents of San Felipe view the outcomes of revitalization and gentrification in mixed ways. Both groups mostly agree that the improvement of the physical conditions of the neighborhood is a positive outcome for preserving the material heritage, and for encouraging international and national tourism benefiting the country. Regardless of their economic and social status, residents claim that the place where they have lived for a long time is no longer theirs, except in their memories. They face the threat of eviction and an uncertain future. Former residents—those who have been displaced—have mixed views as well. On the one hand, they have improved their living standards because they now have better housing infrastructures. On the other hand, their new locations are scattered about the city and are often in dangerous areas that lack the amenities of San Felipe. Others feel that in the process they have lost a home; a place filled with meaningful memories and to which one day they dream of returning. A diverse residential population is the only way to save historic centers from becoming museums that present a pastiche and a 'façadism' catered to the international consumer. Preserving the human and physical patrimony is the most viable way to achieve sustainability and development in historic areas. Associations had no permanent places to meet with residents. This eroded the desire of residents to participate, and encouraged them to accept whatever owners wanted to give them to move out of the neighborhood. In the end, they became disenfranchised. A lack of both leadership and strong social movements, and the dissemblance of grass-root organizations through co-optation, clientelism, and even deception became the norm in the neighborhood. / Ph. D.

<p> This research identifies the socio-economic, demographic and ethnic composition changes that have occurred within the City of Hamilton from 1961 to 1981. Within this twenty-year time period, Hamilton has undergone growth, downtown renewal and gentrification. A statistical analysis of census data shows the extent to which these changes are reflected in the recent evolution of the socio-demographic structure of Hamilton.</p> <p> A factor analysis was performed on the data for each of the census years: 1961, 1971 and 1981. The factor scores were mapped to show the spatial distribution of socio-economic status, family status and ethnic composition. In general, the distributions conformed to the classical sectoral, zonal, and multiple nuclei models. The results revealed two areas where changes on these dimensions were most significant: the inner city and the Hamilton mountain.</p> </p> Statistical tests confirmed these changes. A significant increase in socio-economic status for the inner city area was observed in the period (1971-1981) following the renewal and gentrification. The mountain area retained its high family status throughout the twenty year time period, and ethnic composition became more dispersed throughout the city.</p> / Thesis / Candidate in Philosophy

This dissertation explores processes of racialization, gentrification, and place reputation through a case study of Fishtown – a historically, white working-class neighborhood located along the Delaware River that generally falls within the 19125 ZIP code. Throughout the 20th century, Fishtown was an industrial hub for manufacturing. Reputationally, the neighborhood has been described as insular, racist, and hostile to outsiders, particularly toward Black folks. However, beginning in the early 2000s, Fishtown started seeing increases in median home values and the number of residents possessing at least a bachelor's degree. These changes partly came as a result of the city of Philadelphia’s tax abatement program that was designed to encourage development and spur growth. Fishtown stands as one of the bill’s biggest beneficiaries, receiving the fifth most abated properties of all neighborhoods in Philadelphia. In recent years, Fishtown has become a hub for nightlife and live music, which helps the neighborhood develop “new” reputations as “cool” and desirable. However, despite such changes in class status and the neighborhood’s reputation, Fishtown remains mostly white. Considering Fishtown’s status as a white, working-class neighborhood whose gentrifiers are also white, Fishtown presents itself as a deviant case in the gentrification literature, where cases of “white gentrification” remain understudied. In this dissertation I address the following question: how does racialization take place in a white neighborhood amidst the gentrification process? My study builds on Rucks-Ahidiana's (2021) application of Robinson’s (1983) framework of racial capitalism. Rucks-Ahidiana departs from class-based theories of gentrification to define gentrification as a racialized process of class change. In its application, this definition establishes that, while racial turnover is not necessary for gentrification, processes of racialization are. By using this framework, I find that racialization operates via three mechanisms in Fishtown’s gentrification process: 1) via gentrifiers' use of neighborhood associations, reorganizing the neighborhood’s geographic boundaries, and communicating “progressive” political ideologies to create a more socially desirable neighborhood of the future; 2) via reputational understanding of musical genre as a racialized process of organizing sound and constructing place, and 3) commercial gentrification via music venues. The empirical findings from this dissertation make several contributions to the gentrification literature. First, I identify how processes of racialization unfold in a white neighborhood amidst the gentrification process. Second, I specify the mechanisms social integrationist gentrifiers employ to create a more socially desirable neighborhood of the future. Third, I show how the racial politics of listening can be used to facilitate gentrification, and how corporate, chain-style music venues operate as powerful entities influencing neighborhoods and local music scenes. Theoretically, this dissertation highlights the importance of centering race and racialization in studies of gentrification and urban landscapes more broadly, as well as the importance of examining how places are racialized via their reputation. Policymaking for cities must work to restructure unequal social conditions so that racially biased ideologies cease to shape urban landscapes. This research utilizes qualitative data I collected in Fishtown between 2020 and 2022. The qualitative data include 29 in-depth interviews with neighborhood stakeholders, such as residents, music venue staff, musicians, DJs, business owners, and concertgoers, as well as participant observation and photography. / Sociology

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The intent of this thesis is to investigate whether there is a place for low-income residents in gentrified neighborhoods by examining how the housing needs of these households are provided. Affordable housing development and maintenance are key components for preserving a place for low-income residents in gentrified communities. This paper investigates the provision of affordable housing through the renovation of the historic Whitelaw Hotel in Washington, D.C. by recreating the renovation events from interviews with participants in the project to document the obstacles to and benefits of the success of these projects. The paper also examines the issue of affordability and sustainability of affordable housing projects. Affordable is a subjective term. Local jurisdictions determine the income criteria that establish eligibility for affordable units. In many cities such as Washington, D.C., the area median income (AMI) used to determine eligibility is higher than the median income of the neighborhoods in which the affordable housing is located. A high AMI increases the number of households eligible for subsidized housing, which heightens competition for these units pitting very low-income households against households earning almost twice their income. Also, the sustainability of affordable units is contingent on many factors. There are mechanisms for preserving affordability and many limitations, including personal decisions, which impact their longevity. This paper found that while the renovation project successfully created affordable housing there was little consensus by interview participants on the definition of affordability or whether the project is sustainable as affordable housing after the low-income housing tax credits expires. / Master of Science

This thesis is concerned with the social impacts of urban design. It responds to the extensive history of race-based and class-based exclusion in American cities and offers a critique of postmodern planning strategies that seek to encourage social diversity but often undermine it. The Braddock Metro Neighborhood in Alexandria, Virginia, encompasses the historic community of Uptown, at one time the largest African-American community in Alexandria. Uptown, like most African-American urban neighborhoods in the United States, has been shaped by the forces of racism, segregation, displacement, public housing, white flight, economic disinvestment, crime, historic districting, and - recently - redevelopment and gentrification. The Braddock Metro Neighborhood Plan, a small-area master plan for accommodating transit-oriented redevelopment while affirming neighborhood character and connecting diverse residents, serves as the foundational document for neighborhood redevelopment. Central to the Neighborhood Plan is the replacement of public housing projects with mixed-income communities. These communities, which accommodate an influx of middle-income residents while retaining a percentage of low-income residents, are expressing a new type of residential diversity in the neighborhood, particularly in terms of the spatial proximity of different social groups. Proponents of mixed-income communities cite the potential for the formation of Bridging Social Capital (i.e., benefits, such as improved educational or employment opportunities, shared via casual ties among residents of different social groups). However, researchers have observed self-segregation occurring among residents of mixed-income communities, suggesting that spatial proximity alone does not guarantee the mixture of different social groups. This thesis posits that social mixing in diverse neighborhoods depends upon the presence of carefully designed social spaces, and it offers a set of streetscape interventions intended to support the formation of Bridging Social Capital in the Braddock Metro Neighborhood. The selected site consists of two historic street segments that are not yet fully redeveloped or gentrified. Design decisions are grounded in a careful assessment of site conditions, including existing social conditions, and supported by academic research in history, sociology, urban planning, and social-space design theory. Precise, small-scale interventions engage edges, affirm site character, and encourage residents to linger, sense one another, and tolerate challenging conditions of diversity. Design elements also accommodate the City of Alexandria's guidelines for street safety, mobility, accessibility, stormwater management, and historic preservation. / Master of Landscape Architecture / This thesis is concerned with the social impacts of urban design. It responds to the extensive history of race-based and class-based exclusion in American cities and offers a critique of postmodern planning strategies that seek to encourage social diversity but often undermine it. The Braddock Metro Neighborhood in Alexandria, Virginia, encompasses the historic community of Uptown, at one time the largest African-American community in Alexandria. Uptown, like most African-American urban neighborhoods in the United States, has been shaped by the forces of racism, segregation, displacement, public housing, white flight, economic disinvestment, crime, historic districting, and - recently - redevelopment and gentrification. The Braddock Metro Neighborhood Plan, a small-area master plan for accommodating transit-oriented redevelopment while affirming neighborhood character and connecting diverse residents, serves as the foundational document for neighborhood redevelopment. Central to the Neighborhood Plan is the replacement of public housing projects with mixed-income communities. These communities, which accommodate an influx of middle-income residents while retaining a percentage of low-income residents, are expressing a new type of residential diversity in the neighborhood, particularly in terms of the spatial proximity of different social groups. Proponents of mixed-income communities cite the potential for the formation of Bridging Social Capital (i.e., benefits, such as improved educational or employment opportunities, shared via casual ties among residents of different social groups). However, researchers have observed self-segregation occurring among residents of mixed-income communities, suggesting that spatial proximity alone does not guarantee the mixture of different social groups. This thesis posits that social mixing in diverse neighborhoods depends upon the presence of carefully designed social spaces, and it offers a set of streetscape interventions intended to support the formation of Bridging Social Capital in the Braddock Metro Neighborhood. The selected site consists of two historic street segments that are not yet fully redeveloped or gentrified. Design decisions are grounded in a careful assessment of site conditions, including existing social conditions, and supported by academic research in history, sociology, urban planning, and social-space design theory. Precise, small-scale interventions engage edges, affirm site character, and encourage residents to linger, sense one another, and tolerate challenging conditions of diversity. Design elements also accommodate the City of Alexandria's guidelines for street safety, mobility, accessibility, stormwater management, and historic preservation.