Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in Geography. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 148-156). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ99356

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2006. / Advisor: Barney Warf, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of Geography. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 14, 2006). Document formatted into pages; contains x, 120 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / Public housing has been built largely as a response to the spread of slums in American cities. The origins and growth of slums in different sections of Boston have been caused by several factors. The North and West Ends, originally the most exclusive districts in the city, declined as upper and middle-class residents moved outwards toward the periphery of Boston and beyond into the surrounding towns. The exodus of the upper classes from Central Boston was stimulated by the arrival of European immigrant laborers and by extensions and improvements in public transportation, especially after the middle of the 18th Century. Af first settling in the North and West Ends and in the South Cove, immigrants soon moved into Charlestown, East Boston, the South End and South Boston, attracted by the shipping, factory, and warehouse employment in these areas. Further improvements in public transportation and reduced fares facilitated the migration of low-income families (mainly composed of immigrants) to other outlying sections of Boston; Roxbury, Dorchester and Brighton. Also important as a blighting influence was the elevated railway in Charlestown, the South End and Roxbury. In the West and South Ends and in Roxbury, many cheaply-constructed tenements were built. In 1891, the first city-wide census of housing conditions was made. A wide distribution of slum conditions existed; the North and South Ends and South Boston contained the highest percentages of unsanitary tenements, Charlestown and the built-up sections of East Boston and Roxbury had deteriorated and conditions below the city average were found even in Brighton, Dorchester and West Roxbury. During the first quarter of the present century, many lower-quality frame three-deckers were built in Dorchester, East Boston, Roxbury and South Boston. In studies undertaken by the City Planning Board in 1934 and 1935, physical housing characteristics were compiled, proposed public housing project sites were studied and the relative income and cost of different sections of the city were analyzed. The slums were found to be a heavy economic liability to the city. Although limited as a measurement of blight, 1950 U. S. Census of Housing figures, available by blocks, are the only recent data for the whole city. Boston's first public housing project was Old Harbor Village, built in 1938 under the Federal Government P. W. A. program. This project was built on an essentially vacant site in South Boston and most of the original tenants came from nearby substandard housing areas in South Boston and northern Dorchester. Zoning changes, designed as a protection from harmful land uses, were made in this area and several stores and a church have been attracted by the project. The three programs under which public housing has been built in Boston are; (1) Federally-aided for low-income families, (2) State-aided for low-income veterans and (3) City-State, sold to private individuals five years after construction. The U. S. Housing Acts of 1937 and 1949 that for all Federally-aided public housing units constructed, an equal number of slum dwellings be eliminated. The earliest projects were slum clearance projects located near downtown Boston. The State-aided and City-State legislations, passed soon after World War II, did not require slum clearance because of an acute housing shortage. Many of these, as well as some Federally-aided projects were built on vacant sites. In some cases, due to the lack of available vacant land in Boston and under the pressure of the housing shortage, vacant site projects were located on poorer quality land. City-owned land and private estates were sought for a number of housing projects in order that delays in assembling and clearing several parcels of land could be avoided. Of the several aspects of public housing distribution considered in this study, a sharp contrast between slum clearance and vacant site projects has been evident in respect to services; schools, public transportation and retail shopping. The lack of service availability has been most noticeable in projects located at the city is periphery; Orient Heights, Columbia Point and Fairmount. Both the Orient Heights and Fairmount projects have been primarily responsible for the recent construction of nearby elementary schools and the new Columbia Point School, built for the exclusive use of children from the Columbia Point Project, is not large enough. Another public school will be required for this project. Again, extensions of public transportation service have been necessary largely because of these three projects, and in the case of Columbia Point, a bus route was initiated solely for the project occupants. On the other hand, all slum clearance projects are well-served by public traasportation, in many instances by the surface and elevated routes that have strongly contributed to slum growth. Few stores, except for supermarkets, have been attracted by public housing projects. Only three stores have located adjacent to Columbia Point, the largest project in the city. The supermarket that serves Columbia Point is approximately 1400 feet from the project boundary and was built primarily for drive-in trade from Morrissey Boulevard. The most widely distributed store types within convenient walking distance from housing projects (taken as 600 feet) are grocery stores, drug stores and eating places. The most frequent store types within this distance are grocery stores, eating places and drinking places. A high percentage (up to 50 per cent in the case of the South St. Project) of the stores around several projects are vacant. Most of these vacancies are the result of overestimation of local markets, including housing projects, depopulation and successful competition of supermarkets. The percentage of registered Democratic voters in precincts containing housing projects is higher than the average for the city. In 1956, 85 per cent of all registered voters in Boston were Democrats; in housing projects approximately 95 per cent of the number of voters that could be determined were Democrats. In one ward, Ward IV, a slight Republican majority was changed to a slight Democratic majority primarily due to voters living in the Mission Hill Extension Project. Many projects, especially slum clearance projects, are not sufficiently protected by zoning restrictions from present and future intrusion of adjacent land uses harmful to the environment of the projects. Although most of the zoning changes and variances requested by the Boston Housing Authority have been granted, zoning restrictions have prevented the construction of several proposed vacant site housing projects. The location of a number of existing vacant site projects has depended on zoning changes. The proportion of younger people (under 21 years) is higher in public housing projects than in the city as a whole. Also high is the percentage of broken homes, often headed by females. Population density has even been increased over previously high densities in several slum clearance projects, especially the South End Project. This reflects expensive site acquisition in the slums. The assessed values of individual projects are extremely variable and there are no apparent factors accounting for the discrepancies. The per-dwelling-unit assessment in some projects is more than ten times that of others. The total effect of housing project construction in Boston has been to stabilize the centrifugal movement of population, since the median average distance of public housing dwelling units from the center of the city is approximately the same as all dwelling units in the city. The center of gravity of public housing distribution in the city has moved 1 1/2 miles to the southwest during the period 1940 to 1954, towards the largest amounts of vacant land. Formerly within a severely blighted area in the South End, the center is now located in Roxbury, south of the city's highest slum concentrations. The proportion of public housing to total housing is approximately 6 per cent in Boston, higher than in most other American cities. Most of the larger multi-family projects in the city are Federally-aided, while the smaller City-State temporary public housing projects usually consisted of two- and one-family houses. Except for the North and West Ends, projects have been well-distributed throughout the city. High land costs prevented the construction of projects in these two areas. The only probable construction of additional public housing in the city will be for low-income elderly individuals. As this would be a State-aided program, slum clearance would not be required and projects would be built on vacant sites. Eventually, public housing may also be built for low-income minority groups, perhaps Negroes. If built under a Federally-aided program, substandard housing sections in Roxbury or Dorchester would probably be chosen for sites. These are the areas of most recent Negro settlement in Boston and lower land values would permit slum clearance at a reasonable cost. Experimental forms of Federally-aided public housing in other parts of the country are small one- to four-faffiily projects on dispersed sites and the renovation of slum housing for use as public housing. Spreading slums and land scarcity would favor the latter approach to future public housing in Boston.

While the geographic literature has explored the role of artists as either harbingers or victims of gentrifying processes, this thesis examines the ways in which a particular group of artists contests gentrification. This challenges prevalent narratives in the literature. The Mission Arts & Performance Project (MAPP) is a grassroots, multi-venue neighborhood event featuring art and performance in San Francisco's Mission District. Occurring every other month with no external funding, no formalized organizing committee, and no official leader, it is currently in its tenth year. One of its stated goals is to facilitate community interaction across cultural divides. The purpose of this study was to explore how the individuals and groups involved with the MAPP work to contest gentrification and empower themselves and their multivalent communities through discursive and material practices. Broadly, I aim to interrogate the conditions under which such gatherings take place, the effects, and the implications for understanding how collaborative creative practice can contest gentrification and affect urban change.

While scholars and activists have analyzed the consequences of a largely white, middle-class membership in the alternative food movement, lesser consideration has been given to the relationship food has with gentrification processes. On Chicago's West Side, alternative food spaces such as gardens, restaurants and farmers markets are staking a physical and cultural claim in longstanding communities of color. Food is perhaps unique and more powerful than prior initiators of gentrification such as art due to its mundane, everyday qualities that intersect with its ability to uphold class distinctions. Using qualitative interviews, participant-observation and a literature review, I will examine how alternative food contributes to and is a form of resistance against the uprooting of longstanding Puerto Rican and Mexican communities on Chicago's West Side. Readers who have an investment in the alternative food movement must be conscientious of these tensions and consider resisting gentrification by creating inclusive, intercultural food spaces.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2014-10-07T13:11:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel de Albuquerque Ribeiro.pdf: 24762094 bytes, checksum: 1d10384cf83adf604e9f460f727ef7fa (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jose Neves (neves@ufba.br) on 2016-07-22T19:40:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel de Albuquerque Ribeiro.pdf: 24762094 bytes, checksum: 1d10384cf83adf604e9f460f727ef7fa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-22T19:40:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel de Albuquerque Ribeiro.pdf: 24762094 bytes, checksum: 1d10384cf83adf604e9f460f727ef7fa (MD5) / Gentrification é um processo urbano que ocorre em bairros históricos comumente centrais. Estando associado às transformações desencadeadas em um momento posterior à década de 1930, o mesmo implica a substituição de uma população de baixo poder aquisitivo por outra mais abastada. Essas características agregam a este objeto de estudo um tipo específico de recorte espacial, temporal e social. A presente análise sobre o processo no município de Salvador recai no Parque Histórico do Pelourinho, que abrange três bairros tradicionais da cidade: Maciel, Carmo e Santo Antônio Além do Carmo. Tanto o tema como a área de pesquisa são objetos de extrema riqueza e complexidade e, também por esse motivo, possuem conexões com todas as escalas geográficas. Sendo assim, Gentrification no Parque Histórico do Pelourinho, busca traçar um fio lógico que interliga os fenômenos ocorridos localmente com os grandes eventos mundiais. Para as questões locais, procurou-se observar detalhes que passam pela esfera do cotidiano, da pesquisa de casa em casa e até mesmo dos pequenos acontecimentos. Para as questões globais, traçou-se um paralelo dos fatos históricos de repercussão e seu desdobramento no lugar em questão.

Submitted by Felipe Lapenda (felipe.lapenda@ufpe.br) on 2015-03-12T12:34:08Z No. of bitstreams: 2 DISSERTAÇÃO Rafael Pontual.pdf: 4763409 bytes, checksum: f652dad3bf45fa291f7708a5c92aac02 (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-12T12:34:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 DISSERTAÇÃO Rafael Pontual.pdf: 4763409 bytes, checksum: f652dad3bf45fa291f7708a5c92aac02 (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-26 / Programa de Apoio a Planos de Reestruturação e Expansão das Universidades Federais ; Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho é um estudo etnográfico sobre a produção e o consumo da música pelos jovens no centro histórico de João Pessoa/PB. A pesquisa tem como objeto as experiências concretas dos mesmos em alguns espaços na cidade que permitem o consumo e a produção cultural, e o lazer. Busca-se compreender como os sujeitos constroem e exercem seus estilos de vida através da música e da sonoridade em geral, emitida tanto pelo humano quanto pelo nãohumano. O recorte recai, mais especificamente, no contexto de alguns espaços públicos do centro histórico que passaram por processos de gentrification (enobrecimento) através da “revitalização” no sentido de preservar os bens patrimoniais inseridos, e de dar novas dinâmicas socioculturais ao lugar, estas transformações atraíram grupos estrangeiros ávidos por consumir e produzir cultura, e que contrapõem aos grupos que historicamente ocupam aquele espaço. O foco da análise realizada são os eventos culturais realizados nestes espaços, principalmente o “chorinho”, que acontece na mancha (MAGNANI, 2002) de lazer da Praça Rio Branco. Neste evento, vários jovens e grupos estão presentes com as suas mais diversas performances e percepções musicais, e formas de vivenciar o lazer. Entre os grupos se destacam os “sambistas e/ou chorões”, os “roqueiros” e os que eu chamo de “parahybas”. Existe também uma diferenciação e uma desigualdade em termos de classe social, entre grupos de classe média e grupos populares. As experiências vividas pelos jovens através da música no centro histórico de João Pessoa possibilitam tanto momentos sociabilidades quanto situações de conflitos, que de maneira igual agem no sentido de criar nos jovens um sentimento comum de pertencimento àquele lugar e a um grupo etário, apesar das diferenças.

M.Sc. (Environmental Management) / As in many other countries, the processes of gentrification in South Africa have taken the form of urban regeneration. However, little geographical research has been conducted on gentrification in South Africa. This study adds to the literature by presenting the case of Parkhurst, a Johannesburg surburb, that has undergone gentrification. Parkhurst displays three of the four characteristics of gentrification: (1) the housing stock has undergone extensive physical improvement (2) property values have increased and (3) the original residents have been displaced. Although gentrification is usually also associated with a change in housing tenure from rentals to ownership, it was found that ownership was, and still is, a common feature, both prior to, and subsequent to, gentrification. The study found that Parkhurst has a demographic and a socio-economic profile typical of a gentrified suburb in that it is populated by young, educated and childless couples, many of whom are high- income-earning professionals, and new residents to the area. Due to its past designation as white space, this suburb is still a reflection of South Africa’s racially stratified past in that it is still numerically dominated by white people. Furthermore, the gender ratio is skewed in favour of males. Almost one third of the housing stock has been renovated or is under renovation. Some of the residential stands in the suburb have been converted into business units such as restaurants and antique shops. This research concluded that for Parkhurst the process of gentrification has been driven by consumptive patterns of behaviour, with individual consumption patterns in particular driving the process.

GENTRIFICATION IN THE CONTEXT OF REVITALIZATION OF INNER CITY OF BRATISLAVA Inner city of Bratislava is currently experiencing the revitalization processes which share similarities with the process of gentrification witnessed in many other advanced capitalist cities as well as postsocialist cities. Aim of this study is to analyse situation in Bratislava in a complex way and to respond on a question, if there is gentrification happening in the Capital of Slovakia, what is its extent, character and a general influence in the context of revitalization of the inner city. For these purposes, more types of research methods are used, in which social, physical and functional image of the selected area with the biggest potential for gentrification is observed, views and motivations of the local actors are explored and signs of possible conflicts are analysed. By that study also aims to extend and deepen the knowledge about the mechanisms of transformation of postsocialist cities. Key words: Gentrification, postsocialist city, Bratislava

This thesis examines two 'urban regeneration' projects ongoing in peripheral. post-industrial areas of Edinburgh (Scotland). Both areas have suffered from long term underinvestment, and are classic examples of Neil Smith's 'rent-gap'; the plans for both envision higher prices, richer residents, less (or no) council housing and hold onto the notion of integration into 'Edinburgh' proper. The way in which land must become a form of fictitious capital is in evidence as both fuel and aim: rising land values is the ideal; rising land values is the way to achieve that ideal. The aim of this thesis is twofold. on the one hand, I seek a detailed history of these two projects, to provide a portrait of urban change in areas of Edinburgh that are almost totally absent from the literature. Edinburgh is consistently perceived as a 'successful' and affluent city, and the history portrayed herein challenges this perception, illustrating how it is only maintained through the eviction of other notions of the city. In this sense the work of critical geographers is brought to bear on an urban environment not widely seen to offer insight into the visceral fault lines of profit-seeking urban redevelopment. At the same time, this thesis mounts a theoretical intervention vis-à-vis the conception of 'the state' in work on gentrification and urban regeneration. The state has assume growing importance as an actor in narratives of gentrification, so much so that the phenomenon is often perceived as state-led. In my two case-studies the habit for institutionally declaring a denial of state agency is in full force: both projects were led by elusive public/private 'partnerships', but in both cases they were in fact much more 'public' than they wanted to appear. In this sense state agency is (intentionally) hidden behind an unaccountable façade of separation. At its simplest, my research challenges the notion that 'the state' gentrifies because it know what it is doing. There is a presumed intentionality behind notions of state-led gentrification that appears to be missing: rather, this is gentrification enacted by assumptions, limitations, a lack of imagination, lack of money; in other words by the neoliberalisation of the state itself. In this sense gentrification is not occurring because it is chosen as a policy outcome, but is chosen because it is perceived as the only policy outcome. This can best be understood by challenging the notion of a state/economy dichotomy that is implicit in most research on gentrification. Both projects were ambitions, and both suffered spectacularly as a result of an ongoing financial crisis caused in no small way by the very strategies of real-estate valorisation they typify themselves. These are landscapes rendered by demolition and land values that catastrophically failed to rise, indicative of two epochs slain in quick succession: the Keynesian-industrial era, flattened to make way for the entrepreneurial city that lies in crisis. Attention to the way they were planned, the way they failed to succeed and the way no alternative plan has arisen haves us a treatise on the way planning is seemingly locked into a certain path. This thesis prompts a more critical engagement with 'the ate' of gentrification, and is ultimately guided by a political commitment to more equitable, democratically accountable urban policy where the legitimacy of state involvement needs constant renegotiation. The paradigm of neoliberal urban policy is - to use Neil Smith's phrase - 'dead but dominant', and we need to try and understand how.