Yes / The context in Mali has changed considerably in the last few years. Progress on poverty eradication, growth and democratization was stalled as conflict erupted in 2012 but resumed in 2013 and is now slowly getting back on track. A preliminary agreement was signed in 2013 setting the frame for peace talks that are still on-going with Algeria as chief mediator. In spite of these negotiations, violent clashes and attacks by armed groups continue in the northern regions of the country. The post-conflict setting in Mali has created new challenges for the Swedish development cooperation portfolio.

Matching unfamiliar faces is known to be a very difficult task. Yet, despite this, we frequently rely on this method to verify people's identity in high security situations, such as at the airport. Because of such security implications, recent research has focussed on investigating methods to improve our ability to match unfamiliar faces. This has involved methods for improving the document itself, such that photographic-ID presents a better representation of an individual, or training matchers to be better at the task. However, to date, no method has demonstrated significant improvements that would allow the technique to be put into practice in the real world. The experiments in this thesis therefore further explore methods to improve unfamiliar face matching. In the first two chapters both variability and feedback are examined to determine if these previously used techniques do produce reliable improvements. Results show that variability is only of use when training to learn a specific identity, and feedback only leads to improvements when the task is difficult. In the final chapter, collaboration is explored as a new method for improving unfamiliar face matching in general. Asking two people to perform the task together did produce consistent accuracy improvements, and importantly, also demonstrated individual training benefits. Overall, the results further demonstrate that unfamiliar face matching is difficult, and although finding methods to improve this is not straightforward, collaboration does appear to be successful and worth exploring further. The findings are discussed in relation to previous attempts at improving unfamiliar face matching, and the effect these may have on real world applications.

Student Number : 0420490D - MMPP dissertation - School of Commerce, Law and Management - Faculty of Public and Development Management / “HIV and Human Security in South Africa” explores the multiple dimensions of a fascinating individual, medical, economic, political and social epidemic. Its main question, what are the responsibilities of individuals, business and government in providing human security in the face of HIV AND AIDS in South Africa? developed out of the author’s watch and work in various communities and corporations in South Africa. The premise of “HIV and Human Security in South Africa” is one of sanctity. The sanctity of an individual is based on an inherent worth and includes the means for the development of dignity of each medically, economically, politically and socially. This human sanctity then proposes the foundation of human security, the individual freedom, medical care, economic opportunity, political stability and social cohesion that allows the actualization of that human sanctity. Human security is a precondition of the development of dignity, as without its protection the former is not possible. As such, viral infection, economic inequity, political instability and social unrest are all among the dire threats to human security and therefore to human sanctity. HIV and AIDS is such a threat. In fact, though primarily a virus that infects and afflicts individuals, it is a pandemic affecting medical, economic, political and social arenas. The plight unleashed on human security and human sanctity by HIV AND AIDS is particularly acute in South Africa, the nation with the highest number of infected, and therefore affected, persons in the world. Caught between the local needs and global pressures to address the pandemic, South Africa is in dire straits to secure the medical treatment, economic growth, political will, and social support to contain and combat HIV AND AIDS. The various angles of this argument are illustrated by a number of critical actors: Professor Ruben Sher, the first doctor to identify and to treat the virus in South Africa; Dr Lynne Webber, virologist at Lancet Laboratories and particularly involved in the upcoming wave of anti-viral drug resistance and in HIV and AIDS as a security threat; Mr. Christopher Whitfield, General Manager of Lilly South Africa; Prof. Eric Buch, health policy specialist at the University of Pretoria and NEPAD; Ms. Gillian Gresak, HIV AND AIDS manager at AngloPlatinum; and Mr. Fanyana Shiburi, policy director in corporate affairs at DaimlerChrysler South Africa. Each of these individuals, alone and through their respective organizations, shed light on the links between HIV AND AIDS as an individual virus, as well as on the challenges and opportunities the pandemic poses to medical care, economic growth, political stability and society. Throughout, the HIV and AIDS epidemic emerges as a crisis of culpability and responsibility. In other words, it is and remains a virus of individual infection with a ripple effect of affliction. It therefore demands a response from individuals, medical personnel, economic actors, entrepreneurs and investors, political leaders and policy strategists, and social and community activists to address the range of needs that it inflicts. It is in addressing these needs that the critical components of human security come to the fore, in order to facilitate the development of dignity of human sanctity.

This thesis examines two proposals, Särskilda åtgärder vid allvarlig fara för den allmänna ordningen och inre säkerheten i landet (2015/16:67) och Tillfälliga begränsningar av möjligheten att få uppehållstillstånd (2015/16:174), in light of the concept of securitization, and analyze the effects the resulting provisions to the law and the government bill may have on displaced people. The theoretical framework used for analysis is primarily the theory of securitization in international relations and secondarily the perspective of human security. The analysis of the proposals shows that the Swedish Government considers the inflow of a high amount of asylum seekers as a threat to national security, and the special measures are in need to ensure public order and national internal security. This points to the fact that asylum seekers it to be considered as securitized. Additionally the proposals confirms that asylum seekers is to be seen as a security issue threatening specific societal structures. Hence the need of id-checks. The proposed legislation concerning limiting residence permits is viewed, both from a majority of the national consultative bodies and the Government itself, as affecting asylum seekers in various negative ways. The conclusion of the analysis is that the combination of legislating identity checks and proposing legislation to limit residence permits indicates a more significant shift in Sweden's migration policy than has been evident in the public sphere. Policies has gradually changed from defending rights and guarding safety for fleeing human beings to primarily focus on protecting the nation and guarding the citizens. Furthermore, this study accentuates a previously obscure phenomenon in Swedish migration policy. A Swedish government has proposed legislation based on protecting the Swedish society from severe threats from people in need of security and protection, which the Swedish parliament has passed as a law.

Drug war has become a global issue that is affecting the whole population. One country that has been especially affected is Mexico. There are more than 120 million people living in Mexico and only in 2007 and 2008 more than eight thousand were assassinated in relation to drug conflicts, including over 500 police officers. Kidnapping has also increased enormously.  Since The Human Security aspect is taking more and more space on the international agenda, it has been chosen as a theoretical framework for this study.   In order to answer the research question, which is to what extent the Mexican government has taken human security principles into account in the war against the drug cartels, a case study method has been used. Focus of the study is the aspect of human security and antidrug policies in Mexico, between 2004 and 2010.   The results of this study show that there is a lack of Human Security Principles in the Mexican strategy to fight the drug cartels. During Felipe’s Calderon president mandate the power has been given to the military forces, excluding the police from the governmental actions. Civilians rights and threats to their personal security has been forgotten and that had led to many violations of human rights.

Terrorism emerged in northern Mozambique in 2017 and is ostensibly attributed to Muslim militants. The first attacks occurred on 5 October 2017 in Mocimboa da Praia town in the northern Mozambican province of Cabo Delgado. The group known as ‘Ansar al-Sunnah’ or ‘Al-Shabaab’ appears to be inspired by international terrorist clerics and followers, specifically from Tanzania, such as Sheik Aboud Rogo. These individuals share similar aspirations, including the rejection of Western education and the establishment of Sharia law. The Islamic State Central Africa Province has claimed responsibility for the attacks. This was the first spate of attacks since the guerrilla offensive during the anti-colonial war in the 1960s, as well as attacks by Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO) members during the Mozambican civil war. Since October 2017, 900 people have been killed and by 21 March 2020, over 80 attacks and 100 deaths had occurred. The aim of this research paper was to account for the re-emergence of terrorism in northern Mozambique, through the relationship of at least two causal factors. The research problem was that most of the literature on terrorism presents a one-sided explanation to account for its cause; the focus is on armed groups or their militants, while ignoring the many ways in which states (through governance, in particular) can influence the re-emergence of terrorism. The two key components of the re-emergence of terrorism in northern Mozambique — an enabling environment and the northern Mozambicans’ history of conflict and specifically terrorism — therefore show that literature centred on single religious and socio-economic causes of terrorism is discredited. The re-emergence of terrorism in northern Mozambique challenges the explanation that terrorism is attributed to a single cause. This research identified a gap in the literature. It pertained to the state’s role in facilitating and/or providing the breeding ground or enabling environment for terrorism. This research’s argument was twofold. Firstly, terrorism is not attributed to a single causal factor. Secondly, ignoring the state’s role in providing a breeding ground for terrorism is problematic. Therefore, the re-emergence of terrorism in northern Mozambique is likely to stem from the state’s inability to secure its people adequately, providing personal, community, political and economic security through effective governance practices. This research argued that when governments are ineffective in the provision of basic security and economic needs for their citizenry, ‘basic human insecurity’ is a result and thus contributes to the re-emergence of terrorism. Ultimately, poor governance, poor economic development, corruption and lack of human rights are ‘push factors’ towards terrorism. The locals are left feeling discontented and marginalised by government, which creates grievances as a stepping-stone towards terrorism in the north. Ultimately, the culmination of a history of conflict (including specifically terrorism), poor governance practices, and the influence of regional militants not only creates an insecure environment in the north, but establishes the region as an enabling environment for terrorism. / Mini Dissertation (MA (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Political Sciences / MA (Security Studies) / Unrestricted

This thesis explores the conditions under which the EU is an effective actor at the United Nations in the policy area of human security. Since the late 1990s, the United Nations has been increasingly active in addressing challenges posed by human security concerns. The concept of human security was introduced to emphasize the post-Cold War shift from a state-centred approach to security to an approach focused on the security of individuals. The EU is considered by some as a driving force in the UN policy process and has presented itself as a leader in the promotion of concrete initiatives to address human security challenges. This thesis seeks to examine whether the EU is truly an effective actor at the UN in human security negotiations and aims to identify conditions which influence the EU’s effectiveness. This thesis suggests that the analysis of conditions affecting the EU’s effectiveness at the UN requires the understanding of the ways in which a complex web of actors and institutions interact at three different levels: international, European Union and domestic. Using a multilevel game approach, this thesis examines the willingness of EU actors to work collectively at the UN (internal effectiveness) and the achievements of the EU’s objectives (external effectiveness). This thesis analyzes three cases of human security negotiations: 1) the ban on anti-personnel landmines, 2) the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and 3) the involvement of children in armed conflicts. Factors which have affected the EU’s internal and external effectiveness are identified in each of the case studies. The thesis uses qualitative methods such as expert interviews, documentary analysis and nonparticipant observation. This thesis demonstrates that, at the international level, the commitment of the EU to multilateralism can have an effect on the EU’s effectiveness in human security negotiations. The position of other key UN actors (such as the United States and the G-77) regarding a potential agreement also appears to directly influence EU Member States in achieving their objectives. The thesis argues that the use of consensus in the negotiations process can have a significant impact on the EU’s effectiveness. At the EU level, the analysis reveals that several key EU Member States channelled their efforts to convince their EU partners to act on all three issues. This thesis shows how the role of the EU presidency in coordinating the position of EU Member States can also affect the EU effectiveness in human security negotiations. The support of France, Germany and the United Kingdom, three dominant players in the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, seems also particularly influential in negotiations. Finally, the case studies suggest that domestic politics can directly shape the EU’s effectiveness. Internal negotiations in EU Member States and the involvement of NGOs at the domestic level are two other factors which influence the EU’s effectiveness.

<p>The concept of security is a contested one. The United Nations definition in UNDPs Development report of 1994 is the most authoritive and commonly cited. The civil war in Sudan has led to 2 million deaths and over 5.5 million refugees. In a resolution from 2005, the UN decided that the war in Sudan was a threat to international security and peace. The 10th of January UN decided that a peace commission ought to be send with 10 000 military and civil men including 700 policemen.</p><p>The main purpose of this thesis is to improve our knowledge of those factors which can cause an increased risk of conflict within a state, and how that can affect the social conditions for individuals. First, I analyse which kind of threats to human security that are to be identified in Sudan. Secondly, I discuss and analyse the role of UN in Sudan, focusing on the human security issues. Different information from sources is analyzed through qualitative content analysis, with quantative components. The theoretical perspective is based on Johan Galtungs theory concerning positive and negative peace, but also on the concept of human security. </p><p>Based on the collected data and the theoretical framework the conclusions are that it is a clear connection between the direct violence and the structural and cultural violence in south Sudan. It depends on the historical legacy but also because of the deep rooted structures of the institutions in Sudan. The conflict is about the oil and the ethnic and cultural identification. All this is a threat to the human security in Sudan, due to the condition about social equitable and the right to have a decent life. The UN has resolved the immediate military threat in the south of Sudan. There are a lot of things to be done before the security situation reach the UN definition of human security. The Sudan government must be responsible for implementing policies to assure this security.</p>

The present study was designed to contribute to the application of human security principles in vulnerable populations, using the Bateyes (sugar mill camps) from the Dominican Republic (DR) as a case study. Following the Robin Hood principle of using resources allocated for the identification and treatment of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) as a base from which to build infrastructure for other health and human security needs, this project sought to reduce inequalities and promote equal rights in a vulnerable population living in isolated rural areas of the DR. The impact of a human security model versus non-intervention (standard of care) was examined longitudinally in relationship to the outcomes (prevention of morbid events such as HIV, tuberculosis, diarrhea, dengue, malaria, and model impact on breastfeeding and vaccines rates). The project was implemented in three phases: baseline assessments, implementation of a human security model over a six month period, and evaluation of the interventions at six and twelve months after the initiation of the intervention. Qualitative evaluation methods were used to complement quantitative assessments. An economic analysis was also conducted to evaluate the costs of the intervention and potential sources of economic benefits. Overall, at baseline, the owners of the houses from Batey A (Case) were more likely to respond incorrectly than the residents of Batey B (Control) questions about knowledge, attitudes and practices, for the most prevalent infectious diseases of the southwestern area of the Dominican Republic. To control for baseline differences between the study groups, a Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices (KAP) score system was created. The KAP score system showed that the people living in Batey A had a higher percentage of right answers than residents of Batey B, six months after the intervention. These findings, however, were not observed at the 12 month follow-up visit, suggesting that future studies using the human security intervention model may need to be maintained for more than 6 months, to promote sustainability. Economic analysis revealed that the total cost-savings of the Program to the Ministry of Health and society overall to be 252,399USD. In addition, at the follow-up visits, morbidity and mortality rates of the study population were lower than the rates reported in a recent Demographic Health Survey conducted in the Southwestern Bateyes of the DR. The qualitative interviews allowed for the identification of community perceptions of the model, as well as the necessity for an interdisciplinary approach, including structural interventions (i.e. water pump, construction of latrines, etc) and monitoring community security-related issues through household monthly visits. The use of HIV resources demonstrated that the money allocated for HIV prevention could be utilized, not only to reduce the burden of disease, but also to invest in health systems and services. Applied to other settings, the design and outcomes of this study could have a beneficial impact on refugee and undocumented populations in other countries under the impact of the structural violence observed in the Bateyes of the DR.

The concept of security is a contested one. The United Nations definition in UNDPs Development report of 1994 is the most authoritive and commonly cited. The civil war in Sudan has led to 2 million deaths and over 5.5 million refugees. In a resolution from 2005, the UN decided that the war in Sudan was a threat to international security and peace. The 10th of January UN decided that a peace commission ought to be send with 10 000 military and civil men including 700 policemen. The main purpose of this thesis is to improve our knowledge of those factors which can cause an increased risk of conflict within a state, and how that can affect the social conditions for individuals. First, I analyse which kind of threats to human security that are to be identified in Sudan. Secondly, I discuss and analyse the role of UN in Sudan, focusing on the human security issues. Different information from sources is analyzed through qualitative content analysis, with quantative components. The theoretical perspective is based on Johan Galtungs theory concerning positive and negative peace, but also on the concept of human security. Based on the collected data and the theoretical framework the conclusions are that it is a clear connection between the direct violence and the structural and cultural violence in south Sudan. It depends on the historical legacy but also because of the deep rooted structures of the institutions in Sudan. The conflict is about the oil and the ethnic and cultural identification. All this is a threat to the human security in Sudan, due to the condition about social equitable and the right to have a decent life. The UN has resolved the immediate military threat in the south of Sudan. There are a lot of things to be done before the security situation reach the UN definition of human security. The Sudan government must be responsible for implementing policies to assure this security.