This research represents an innovative examination of the role of university educators in protracted ethnic conflict. In this exploratory qualitative case study, Israeli professors from five universities were asked to share their experiences and opinions as educators. They were invited to share their perceptions and perspectives when asked if they chose to challenge conflict narratives in the classroom. Research participants were asked to picture the future and to communicate their fears, worries, hopes and wishes. The educators interviewed in this study felt the atmosphere in Israel was hostile to individuals who teach from a critical standpoint and that there could be repercussions for persons who challenged the Zionist narrative. Educators used a variety of methods regarding contested materials: some spoke freely, many used a comparative approach using examples external to Israel, and some refused to discuss sensitive issues in the classroom. The results of this study point to an escalation in extreme positions in Israel, an inhospitable atmosphere for critical academics and a general pessimism regarding the future. However, this study also revealed the majority of those interviewed used strategies to challenge narratives of conflict in the classroom and most felt it was essential and beneficial to do so. Many respondents felt worried and uncertain about the future, most struggled to imagine a future that encompassed the qualities of ‘positive peace’ including mutual cooperation and equity among individuals and even fewer could imagine the means to manifest such a reality. When asked to imagine the future, responses were conservative, pessimistic and fearful and few educators articulated their professional contributions to social change.

This research represents an innovative examination of the role of university educators in protracted ethnic conflict. In this exploratory qualitative case study, Israeli professors from five universities were asked to share their experiences and opinions as educators. They were invited to share their perceptions and perspectives when asked if they chose to challenge conflict narratives in the classroom. Research participants were asked to picture the future and to communicate their fears, worries, hopes and wishes. The educators interviewed in this study felt the atmosphere in Israel was hostile to individuals who teach from a critical standpoint and that there could be repercussions for persons who challenged the Zionist narrative. Educators used a variety of methods regarding contested materials: some spoke freely, many used a comparative approach using examples external to Israel, and some refused to discuss sensitive issues in the classroom. The results of this study point to an escalation in extreme positions in Israel, an inhospitable atmosphere for critical academics and a general pessimism regarding the future. However, this study also revealed the majority of those interviewed used strategies to challenge narratives of conflict in the classroom and most felt it was essential and beneficial to do so. Many respondents felt worried and uncertain about the future, most struggled to imagine a future that encompassed the qualities of ‘positive peace’ including mutual cooperation and equity among individuals and even fewer could imagine the means to manifest such a reality. When asked to imagine the future, responses were conservative, pessimistic and fearful and few educators articulated their professional contributions to social change.

<p>The concept of security is a contested one. The United Nations definition in UNDPs Development report of 1994 is the most authoritive and commonly cited. The civil war in Sudan has led to 2 million deaths and over 5.5 million refugees. In a resolution from 2005, the UN decided that the war in Sudan was a threat to international security and peace. The 10th of January UN decided that a peace commission ought to be send with 10 000 military and civil men including 700 policemen.</p><p>The main purpose of this thesis is to improve our knowledge of those factors which can cause an increased risk of conflict within a state, and how that can affect the social conditions for individuals. First, I analyse which kind of threats to human security that are to be identified in Sudan. Secondly, I discuss and analyse the role of UN in Sudan, focusing on the human security issues. Different information from sources is analyzed through qualitative content analysis, with quantative components. The theoretical perspective is based on Johan Galtungs theory concerning positive and negative peace, but also on the concept of human security. </p><p>Based on the collected data and the theoretical framework the conclusions are that it is a clear connection between the direct violence and the structural and cultural violence in south Sudan. It depends on the historical legacy but also because of the deep rooted structures of the institutions in Sudan. The conflict is about the oil and the ethnic and cultural identification. All this is a threat to the human security in Sudan, due to the condition about social equitable and the right to have a decent life. The UN has resolved the immediate military threat in the south of Sudan. There are a lot of things to be done before the security situation reach the UN definition of human security. The Sudan government must be responsible for implementing policies to assure this security.</p>

The concept of security is a contested one. The United Nations definition in UNDPs Development report of 1994 is the most authoritive and commonly cited. The civil war in Sudan has led to 2 million deaths and over 5.5 million refugees. In a resolution from 2005, the UN decided that the war in Sudan was a threat to international security and peace. The 10th of January UN decided that a peace commission ought to be send with 10 000 military and civil men including 700 policemen. The main purpose of this thesis is to improve our knowledge of those factors which can cause an increased risk of conflict within a state, and how that can affect the social conditions for individuals. First, I analyse which kind of threats to human security that are to be identified in Sudan. Secondly, I discuss and analyse the role of UN in Sudan, focusing on the human security issues. Different information from sources is analyzed through qualitative content analysis, with quantative components. The theoretical perspective is based on Johan Galtungs theory concerning positive and negative peace, but also on the concept of human security. Based on the collected data and the theoretical framework the conclusions are that it is a clear connection between the direct violence and the structural and cultural violence in south Sudan. It depends on the historical legacy but also because of the deep rooted structures of the institutions in Sudan. The conflict is about the oil and the ethnic and cultural identification. All this is a threat to the human security in Sudan, due to the condition about social equitable and the right to have a decent life. The UN has resolved the immediate military threat in the south of Sudan. There are a lot of things to be done before the security situation reach the UN definition of human security. The Sudan government must be responsible for implementing policies to assure this security.

The Israel-Palestine conflict constitutes one of the longest standing conflicts in modern times. Its continuation has often been attributed to the very nature of the conflict: two peoples pursuing an incompatible goal-ownership of the same piece of land. Violence has constituted a characteristic feature of this struggle, widely employed by the two peoples. The analysis of violence, however, has often been limited to acts of direct and physical violence that can be attributed to an individual subject. This thesis investigates violence in the conflict going beyond this traditional conceptualisation of violence. It employs Johan Galtung’s conceptual and theoretical framework, in which he identifies three types of violence: direct, structural and cultural. This thesis argues that all three types of violence are symbiotic in nature. The underlying assumption in this thesis is simple: violence breeds violence. Thus, in order to understand the persistence of the conflict, it is essential to analyse all three types of violence. The thesis proposes the hypothesis that the continuing failure to address all forms of violence, as well as omitting or minimising the importance of any of them, prevents the possibility of resolving the conflict, and thus has contributed to the protraction of the conflict. In order to examine this assumption empirically, the thesis investigates the violence in the conflict, concentrating on the Israeli barrier. The study poses two central research questions. The first asks what led to the construction of the barrier. The second asks why the barrier remains, and the Israeli occupation continues. The answers to the research questions and the account of violence have been the subjects of two contrasting narratives: Israeli and Palestinian. In order to provide both Israeli and Palestinian contributions to these questions, the thesis is divided into two accounts: Palestinian narrative and Israeli narrative. The empirical analysis of violence in the conflict, embedded in the theoretical framework of Galtung's conceptualisation of violence, and divided into the two narratives, reveals a complex cycle of violence in the conflict. It demonstrates the interconnection between the three types of violence and shows the impact of the violence on the intractability of the Israel-Palestine conflict.

There is no one clear concept of peace in peace education. A large part of peace education recognizes and discusses different forms of violence and how they affect peace. Peace education is a broad field and finds connections to critical peace education, feminism, sustainability, the United Nations, and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Using transnational feminist theory and a transnational feminist critical discourse analysis, this thesis problematizes the peace discourse that is created in peace educational material from World’s Largest Lesson. In order to problematize the overall peace discourse, this thesis critically explores the knowledge that is produced through discussions of different forms of violence. The peace education materials were selected based on their relevance to peace education occurring in relation to education for the Sustainable Development Goals.  The materials were also selected based on their aim to produce knowledge specifically related to concepts of peace and violence. The thesis finds that overall, the knowledge produced in the materials deemphasizes the interconnectedness of different forms of violence and, therefore, creates a peace discourse that is decontextualized, dehistoricized, depoliticized, privileges individuals, and maintains the status quo. The thesis also discusses pedagogical implications in relation to Mohanty’s (2003) discussion of different pedagogical strategies. It is argued that the peace discourse in World’s Largest Lesson contributes to a peace as tourist pedagogical model. The thesis also offers insights into a peace as solidarity pedagogical model before calling for change

The problem of cultural violence against girls in Nigeria has been discussed at length. A number of scholars have conducted empirical studies, others developed theories and tools to be used in measuring and monitoring improvement on eliminating specific cultural practices. This scholarship is vitally important. They launch feminist and other anthropological works into an arena of anti-violence work which without a doubt have a significant impact and far-reaching repercussions for girls who experience violence in Nigeria. Yet, despite the systemic change over the past years, the problem of violence against girls in Africa, more specifically Nigeria, is still persistent within cultural communities. Building on the important foundational works of these authors, my dissertation analyses this problem from a different perspective. This thesis identifies several governance gaps within the Nigerian legal framework that needs to be addressed before existing legal mechanisms can adequately address the problem of violence against girls. To ensure a proper examination of the different dimensions and changing patterns of cultural violence against girls, the dissertation focuses on the practice of child marriages within Muslim communities in Northern Nigeria. The complexity of the issues addressed in this dissertation required a variety of theoretical tools to unpack the different fields of inquiry. The dissertation uses a critical legal studies and feminist framework in studying the problem of cultural violence against girls in Nigeria. It also uses textuality, a method of inquiry within Dorothy Smith’s feminist socio-legal methodology, to investigate the text-based organization of social policy in Nigeria to ultimately reveal a legal and political system used as an instrument for consolidating power and legitimizing anti-women principles as traditional values. Using these tools, the thesis analyzed the complexity of the problem of cultural violence through a focus on co-existing institutional frameworks, that is, formal and informal legal structures and the roles they play in shaping the experiences of girls within cultural communities.

A law proposal was passed by the Danish parliament in 2018 prohibiting the wear of niqab and burqa in all public spaces. This study aims to analyse the discourse of the debate in the parliament leading up to the passing of the law by using Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis. The analysis focusses on the construction of Muslim women in the Danish parliament’s debate regarding the ban on niqab/burqa in public spaces, thereby centering the gendered role of islamophobia. Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis is used in the analysis in conjunction with perspectives from postcolonial theorists such as Said, Spivak, Yeğenoğlu and Mohanty. The study concludes that the discourse of the debate can be understood as a form of cultural violence. By drawing on orientalist and white feminist discourse it reproduces a cultural hegemonic relation between Western societies and their “Others”. Culture and religion are used as explanations for gender oppression, placing the fault on the “Other”. This not only stigmatizes anyone who is understood as an “Other” but also obscures gender oppression among the majority Danish population making it harder to address.

This thesis examined the conditions under which taharrush (sexual harassment) has become normalized in Cairo, allowing acts once deemed unethical by Egyptians to become a daily experience. Experiences of taharrush were explored through an ethnographic study of three neighborhoods in Cairo and 20 semi-structured interviews with women from diverse backgrounds and age groups. Through the literature review of key themes and a historical analysis of the Egyptian context, this research explored the rise in sexual harassment over time and under different presidential regimes. The cross-generational aspect of this research highlighted the prevalence of sexual harassment in the past three decades. Furthermore, through the participants’ voices, numerous themes emerged explaining the increase of taharrush, such as: economic difficulties, decline in akhle (sense of community), and violence against women perpetrated by security officials. The interviews showed women’s experiences of sexual harassment, the perceived causes behind the issue of harassment being trivialized and normalized, and ways in which women combat harassment and security issues within Cairo. / February 2016

The war in Afghanistan has been a core component of the so called ‘War on Terror’ for over twenty years. These decades of hostilities have caused many people to flee and seek refuge in other countries. This study aims to explore and thereby gain a better understanding of the various forms of violence experienced by Afghan refugees living in Germany. The overarching research question to achieve that aim, was: ‘What role did, and do, different forms of violence play in the experiences of the participants?’The study used the framework introduced by Johan Galtung of direct, structural and cultural violence to analyze the data of qualitative in-depth interviews that were conducted. The interviews showed that participants to varying degrees were subjected to a complex combination of all three types of violence in Afghanistan, on their journey to Europe and in Germany. Most direct violence occurred in Afghanistan, on the hands of the Taliban as well as on the journey. Structural violence was omnipresent, and varied from context to context. Whilst in Afghanistan, it was mainly in the realms of poverty, education and water and electricity infrastructure, in Germany it shifted to adequate housing, language courses, prolonged bureaucratic procedures and access to health care. The study found clear signs of cultural violence which normalized other forms of violence.This study indicated that whilst the types of violence are complex and transform continuously; direct, structural and cultural violence are always to a certain degree present in the lives of the Afghan refugees.