With lessons learned from the 1999 Kosovo intervention as a point of departure, this thesis addresses the question of whether the development of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) doctrine and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) actually made a difference in determining whether and how Europe responded to subsequent mass atrocities in its neighbourhood. Viewing the RtoP as an emerging international norm, a social constructivist framework is applied to explore the influence of norms on European foreign policy-making. It is argued that even an emerging international norm can be influential if it is considered a legitimate behavioural claim. The influence of the RtoP will be assessed by gauging the extent to which it is distinctively used to justify foreign policy decisions and to communicate the basis for those choices to a wider audience. The development of the RtoP and the CSDP from 1999-2011 in theory and practice paves the way for an in-depth case study analysis. Focusing on the UN, the EU as well as French, German and British discourses, the question of whether the RtoP has actually made a difference will be answered by scrutinizing European responses to the Libyan crisis (March – October 2011) and the Syrian crisis (March 2011 – September 2013). Ultimately, light is shed not only on the relevance of the RtoP for Europe but also on the role of the EU as a security actor in its neighbourhood.

Cette recherche est envisagée pour observer la place de l’Islam confrérique dans la sphère publique et dans la vie politique, économique et sociale au Sénégal, avec un accent particulier sur la notion de sécurité humaine. Notre ambition est d’intégrer une réflexion la plus large possible sur les différentes situations contrastées que connaît l’Islam confrérique dans ce pays de 12 millions d’habitants avec plus de 90% de musulmans. L’accent consiste à interroger ce qu’on a appelé « l’exceptionnalisme sénégalais » avec une tradition démocratique relativement ancienne et solide. Cette étude a comme objet général d’explorer la sécurité que posent l’organisation et le fonctionnement des confréries religieuses sénégalaises. Elle s’appuie sur la mise en comparaison des deux principales confréries – Mouride et Tidjane – qui sont d’obédience sunnite. Elle intègre un angle d’approche tenant compte de la diversité et de la particularité des contextes socioculturels, politiques, économiques et religieux dans l’ordre international marqué par des menaces incessantes sur la sécurité. Cette mise en perspective de dynamiques culturelles singulières favorise la compréhension de logiques comportementales attribuant du sens à des démarches de sécurité des « fidèles » auprès des Marabouts et des confréries. Il s’agit aussi d’évaluer les nouvelles manifestations religieuses et leurs conséquences en termes individuels et collectifs sur la République, la démocratie, la laïcité et la sécurité de la nation sénégalaise. / This research is intended to observe the place of brotherhood of Islam in the public sphere and the political, economic and social Senegal, with particular emphasis on the concept of human security. Our goal is to integrate thinking about the broadest possible contrasting the different situations facing brotherhood of Islam in this country of 12 million people with over 90% Muslim. The focus is to examine the so-called "Senegalese exceptionalism" with a relatively old democratic tradition and strong. This study explored as general purpose security posed by the organization and functioning of religious brotherhoods in Senegal. It relies on setting comparison of the two major guilds - and Mouride Tidjane - who are Sunni. It includes an angle of approach taking into account the diversity and unique socio-cultural contexts, political, economic and religious in the international order marked by constant threats to security. This perspective of cultural dynamics unique promotes understanding of behavioral logic of assigning meaning to approaches to security "faithful" to the Marabouts and fraternities. It is also evaluating new religious events and their consequences for individuals and groups on the Republic, democracy, secularism and security of the Senegalese nation.

The study will focus on how the Crimean Tatars situation from a human security perspective has changed over time. To fully understand the depth of how and why, the thesis will start by introducing some of the issues faced by the Crimean Tatars as a minority group and then providing a historical background. With help from the theoretical framework of “Human Security” (Tadjbakhsh & Chenoy, 2007) the study is comparing how secure the Crimean Tatars are perceived to be under Ukrainian rule 1991-2014 and Russian rule 2014-present day. In the thesis it will be further examined if the Tatars security has in fact been compromised. Concluding that the rules over Crimea, Ukrainian and Russian, has both comprised the security of the Crimean Tatars but in different ways and sometimes more or less within certain categories of the Human Security framework. In the later years there are especially three categories that has been more prominent threats which becomes clear in the findings chapter.

A history of fragility and conflicts in Somalia has had severe impact on the security of citizens, most notably children. Different non-state actors and armed militias have appeared in Somalia’s timeline impacting the region’s, neighboring and global security. The prevalence of child soldiers in Somalia is alarming and so is the presence of armed groups that regularly recruit them. This paper focuses on studying the causes of child recruitment from a human security lens, examining the impact of fragility in Somalia and the ways by which one particular group; al- Shabaab exploits the fragile environment to recruit children. Qualitative data from different online sources is analyzed indicating that the instability in Somalia and the recruitment of children remain closely interlinked, and human security and development in the region are compromised by corruption, poor governance, societal division, ongoing conflicts and displacement.

A comparative study of Norway and Scotland's effort to address and counter the threat of organized crime in a globalized world. Marte Skaatan Ramberg The concept of organized crime is a rather "fussy", with over two hundred definitions to its name. This master thesis aims to debate the concept of organized crime and utilizing the concept for an investigating look at Norway and Scotland`s effort to cut and combat the effect of organized crime. Whilst tackling the ambiguity of organized crime the thesis also share some light on the security aspect of organized crime for the state and for the individual, using the framework of human security and traditional state-centric approach when evaluating the impact of organized crime. Different polices and laws shared between Norway and Scotland along with their objectives is also discussed all centered around the research questions - How does Norway approach and counter the threat of organized crime compared to Scotland? - What are the successes and failures with these strategies?

This essay addresses the issue of how the Syrian civil war has impacted Turkey’s state and human security. The study aimed to provide an enhanced understanding of how the Syrian war has impacted Turkey’s security, within the timeframe of 2011-2019. The method that was applied to this study was a single case study where theories of state and human security were used to analyze the Syrian war’s impact on Turkey’s security. The results showed that the advancement of Kurdish forces as well as the Islamic state’s territorial expansion posed a threat towards the Turkish state’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. The war also impacted the authoritarian turn of the Turkish government, which generated in a coup attempt causing additional internal disability and threat towards the state’s security. In terms of Turkey’s human security, increased terrorism within the state as a cause of the Syrian war has impacted the physical security of the people. Moreover, health concerns arose due to the vast number of Syrian refugees in Turkey and posed a threat to the Turkish population. The refugee influx also changed the ethnic balance in some areas showing indications of ethnic tensions to foster, threatening the population. One can conclude that the Syrian war has impacted Turkey’s state security, through direct military threats regarding the rise and expansion the of PKK-YPG and ISIS. In terms of Turkey’s human security one can conclude that increasing terrorism and the vast number of refugees residing in the state caused by the Syrian war has impacted the safety and security of the Turkish people.

The main objective of this study is to analyse problem representations within national and multilateral policy concerning environmental migration in Central America. The study mainly focuses on Mexico and Costa Rica’s national legal frameworks regarding environmental migration but also draws on bilateral as well as multilateral agreements ratified by the countries. In a two-step analysis, the perspectives of human security and state security are used to identify key representations, followed by an application of Bacchi’s (2016) post-structural policy analysis tool ‘What is the problem represented to be?’, allowing for an understanding of environmental migration policy in a wider context. The results of the study show how human security characteristics are most prevalent within environmental migration policy, albeit acknowledging the implicit prevalence of state security characteristics. The study makes attributions to the understanding of the discourse and conceptualisation concerning environmental migration and recommends further studies on efficient interlinkages between human and state security-oriented policies.

This thesis forms a report including human security and economic aspect experienced by three groups that are Radical right, Radical left, and the refugees. The examined theory is based on the securitisation of the EU sphere since the 2014/2015 refugee crisis and the Eurozone crisis. Economic perspective has a place in the public discourse inside the EU sphere, presenting moral dilemmas and political obligations of aiding the refugees in ethical scrutiny of human rights and human security.However, the de-radicalisation of the EU sphere deserves pointing attention to radicalised individuals and the reasons supporting both radicalisation and isolation. Therefore, human security assessment is made in three different groups to prioritise all the groups in the research: The refugees have participated with the presentatives of Radical right and Radical left ideology in the interviews. Data collected from the interviews and literature review include background information on the causes of the refugee movement, the EU-sphere migration process, and the organisations related to administrating and supporting the refugees and asylum-seeking process. The data of the research could be used by report makers, educators, and scholars.

This diploma thesis provides a fact-based examination of the relevance of assumptions concerning the relationship of human insecurity and the emergence of conflict. This is done with a quantitative analysis of cross-country data on human insecurity and conflict during the period of 1990 - 2010. The approach of the thesis steps beyond the prevailing discussions on human security focused on normative judgements on the nature, legitimacy or applicability of the concept. Through a statistical analysis, it challenges the use of uncontested and ungraspable, yet influential, narratives of human security that result in implementation of inadequately informed programs and policies aimed at prevention of conflict by the international community and other actors. The analysis finds that a random set of indicators of human security, rather than human security as a concept, are related to conflict emergence. As a result, the thesis suggests surpassing the preoccupation with the use and application of the concept and instead accentuates inductive approach to formulating evidence-based conflict-prevention programs inspired by the ideas of human security rather than reasoned by the concept of human security. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This thesis explores the growing phenomenon of climate refugees and their right to protection. The aim is to investigate from the Human Security Approach developed by UNDP, if the human insecurities highlighted covers the situation of climate refugees making them eligible for protection. Thus, the purpose is to examine if insecurities caused by climate change are reason enough to be granted asylum in Sweden and if not, what the debate on extending asylum to climate refugees looks like. The research questions for this thesis are: What insecurities do the Swedish legislation consider grounds for granting asylum that could include the protection of climate refugees? and How do the debates in the Swedish Riksdag and the European Parliament discuss climate refugees and their legal status in Sweden's and the EU's asylum regulations? A qualitative content analysis of the Swedish Aliens Act and the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) revealed that even though all insecurities listed by the Human Security Approach are considered grounds for granting asylum, protection for climate refugees is not guaranteed. Consequently, debates in the Swedish and European Parliaments were examined to explore the intentions of extending the right to protection for climate refugees by including them in the legal framework. While the debates in the Swedish Parliament showed no indication of changing the legislation to include climate refugees, the European Parliament both debated and voted on proposals which sought to extend protection to climate refugees. Nonetheless, it is still not decided whether or not the EU will include climate refugees as a legal status in its asylum system.