This thesis argues the need for major change in higher education options currently available to Native American students in the United States. Universities and Tribal Colleges represent the most common choices that Native students opt for in seeking degrees in tertiary education. However, for the most part, Universities and Tribal Colleges are not working effectively enough to produce the levels of success that are significantly transforming of the wider social, economic and cultural crisis conditions within many Native American communities. This thesis will focus on how to develop a major transformation of the higher education sector generally, a focus which also positively includes the underdeveloped potential that lies within the Tribal Colleges and Native programs in various university sites. This thesis attempts to clarify what has gone wrong in the higher education of Native Americans and to propose a national, innovative strategy for intervention. Identifying what is problematic in existing approaches will build critical insights that will inform the new strategies for change. The overall argument is that new institutions which are more sensitive and responsive to Indigenous aspirations first and foremost, need to be considered as a key in transforming Native American higher education performance. Rather than define absolutely all of the possible ingredients of what might be included in a new higher education model, this thesis works first to identify and aggregate a number of key barriers and constraints by collating different information streams. Once identified these critical elements, practices, values and structures that are deemed to be the major barriers to Native success are then used to inform the proposed new institutional framework. While a single institution model is ultimately proposed by this thesis, it should be regarded as ‘an’ answer, not ‘the’ answer. A broader intention of this thesis is to bring more focus to this area of concern and underdevelopment within Higher Education and suggest that there are different answers and possibilities (as the Maori examples have demonstrated) that are truly innovative, and which can profoundly impact Native American individual and community social, economic, cultural and political development and advancement.

This thesis looks at how the Cree people of Wemindji, James Bay, Québec, understand and live with ecological complexity and dynamism. The focus is on the interplay between variability, change, and continuity in the Canada goose (Branta canadensis) hunt. Looking at Cree goose-hunting in the light of cultural ecology and resilience thinking, the research suggests that Cree hunters are attentive and responsive to ecological fluctuations, fine-tuning local arrangements to local environmental conditions. Ecological variability and unpredictability, such as weather, goose population dynamics and migration patterns, are mediated by local management strategies in which goose hunting areas shift in space and time. However, whereas these strategies are still practiced nowadays, they are (to some extent) overwhelmed by changes occurring at larger scales. Some of these are related to climate change and anthropogenic disturbances; others are related to social-cultural changes that influence resource-use patterns. I discuss how these different drivers interact among themselves and impact the goose-hunt, and how the Wemindji Cree respond to these changes. / May 2008

This thesis argues the need for major change in higher education options currently available to Native American students in the United States. Universities and Tribal Colleges represent the most common choices that Native students opt for in seeking degrees in tertiary education. However, for the most part, Universities and Tribal Colleges are not working effectively enough to produce the levels of success that are significantly transforming of the wider social, economic and cultural crisis conditions within many Native American communities. This thesis will focus on how to develop a major transformation of the higher education sector generally, a focus which also positively includes the underdeveloped potential that lies within the Tribal Colleges and Native programs in various university sites. This thesis attempts to clarify what has gone wrong in the higher education of Native Americans and to propose a national, innovative strategy for intervention. Identifying what is problematic in existing approaches will build critical insights that will inform the new strategies for change. The overall argument is that new institutions which are more sensitive and responsive to Indigenous aspirations first and foremost, need to be considered as a key in transforming Native American higher education performance. Rather than define absolutely all of the possible ingredients of what might be included in a new higher education model, this thesis works first to identify and aggregate a number of key barriers and constraints by collating different information streams. Once identified these critical elements, practices, values and structures that are deemed to be the major barriers to Native success are then used to inform the proposed new institutional framework. While a single institution model is ultimately proposed by this thesis, it should be regarded as an answer, not the answer. A broader intention of this thesis is to bring more focus to this area of concern and underdevelopment within Higher Education and suggest that there are different answers and possibilities (as the Maori examples have demonstrated) that are truly innovative, and which can profoundly impact Native American individual and community social, economic, cultural and political development and advancement.

Tourism has become an important option for economic development and the cultural survival of aboriginal people, yet the academic work has overlooked an issue of cultural sustainability and the majority of the literature on indigenous tourism is from a non-indigenous perspective. Although the sustainable livelihood framework does not clearly address the cultural part of life, the approach requires that activities, such as tourism, are placed in a broader context so that they can be examined from an indigenous perspective on sustainability. The purpose of this study is to assess the role that tourism is playing in two indigenous communities' livelihood strategies in Taiwan from an indigenous perspective using the sustainable livelihood framework as an organizing framework. The examination of the evolution of livelihood strategies is the main focus of the study. A review of literature identifies weaknesses in the concepts of sustainable development and sustainable tourism and provides legitimacy for using the sustainable livelihood approach to examine the roles that tourism plays in indigenous people's daily lives. Culture is embedded in daily life and the approach allows the researcher to explore the meanings behind people's daily activities. Also, tourism needs to be placed in a broader context in order to identify whether any linkages exist between it and other sectors of the economy and how tourism can better fit in with exiting livelihood strategies. The research is a collaborative study of two Cou aboriginal communities (i. e. , Shanmei and Chashan) in central Taiwan using qualitative research methods. The sustainable livelihood framework is used as a vehicle for guiding research and analysis. Results indicate that Cou traditional livelihoods and their traditional social structure have been closely linked. The shift of Cou livelihoods from self-sustaining in the past to being linked increasingly to the global economic market system at present comes from a variety of external and internal factors (e. g. , policy, history, politics, macro-economic conditions). The promotion of tourism development and cultural industries by the government in recent years has provided aboriginal people with a new opportunity (tourism) in which they can make use of their culture as an advantage (culture as an attraction) to possibly reverse the inferior position. In addition to being an attraction for economic development, culture has many implications for the way things are done and for the distribution of benefits. In both villages, people employ a wide range of resources and livelihoods strategies to support themselves. Tourism has been incorporated into the livelihoods of both villages in forms of employment (regular and occasional) and various collective and self-owned enterprises (e. g. , restaurants, homestays, café, food stalls, handicraft stores and campsites). Tourism activities have the potential both to complement and to compete with other economic activities in various forms. Conflicts between tourism-related economic activities and other activities may not be obvious in terms of the use of land, water and time. The benefits and costs of each tourism activity experienced by different stakeholder groups (mainly by age and gender) vary, depending on different personal situations. The sustainable livelihoods framework was examined and used to assess the context and forms in which tourism might contribute to sustainable livelihood outcomes. Institutional processes and organizational structures are one main factor determining whether different assets, tangible and intangible, are accumulated or depleted on individual, household, and community scales. The comparison of the two cases revealed that, in the context of capitalist market economy in which people pursue the maximization of individual interests, the following situation is most likely to lead to sustainable outcome (socio-culturally, economically, and environmentally) in the context of indigenous communities. That is tourism enterprises need to be operated through institutions with a communal mechanism and through efficient operation of the communities' organizations based on collective knowledge guided by Cou culture. Sustainable livelihood thinking is useful to the concept of sustainable development because it can be used as an analytical and practical tool for guiding studies of environment and development. It also serves as a means of integrating three modes of thinking: environmental thinking which stresses sustainability, development thinking which stresses production and growth, and livelihood thinking which stresses sustenance for the poor. The approach facilitates examination of the reality of aboriginal people and poor people in rural and remote areas. The approach focuses on the local impacts of change, recognizes the complexity of people's lives, acknowledges that people have different and sometimes complex livelihood strategies and addresses benefits that are defined by the marginalized communities themselves. It acknowledges the dynamism of the factors that influence livelihoods: it recognizes that change occurs and people accommodate, learn from change and plan, adapt and respond to change. It focuses on accommodating traditional knowledge and skills to create conditions for marginalized communities to enhance their well-being. It assists in understanding that traditional knowledge and its innovation provide a basis for the development of coping mechanisms and adaptive strategies to buffer the forces which threaten livelihoods. The sustainable livelihood framework is useful because it places the interests of local people at the centre. Such an approach incorporates tourism as one component of development, particularly for indigenous people, and explores how positive development impacts can be expanded and negative ones can be reduced. However, unless supplemented, the framework may not do justice to the importance of culture and the prominent roles played by key individuals. Keywords: Indigenous people, sustainable livelihoods, culture, sustainability, Taiwan </>

Tourism has become an important option for economic development and the cultural survival of aboriginal people, yet the academic work has overlooked an issue of cultural sustainability and the majority of the literature on indigenous tourism is from a non-indigenous perspective. Although the sustainable livelihood framework does not clearly address the cultural part of life, the approach requires that activities, such as tourism, are placed in a broader context so that they can be examined from an indigenous perspective on sustainability. The purpose of this study is to assess the role that tourism is playing in two indigenous communities' livelihood strategies in Taiwan from an indigenous perspective using the sustainable livelihood framework as an organizing framework. The examination of the evolution of livelihood strategies is the main focus of the study. A review of literature identifies weaknesses in the concepts of sustainable development and sustainable tourism and provides legitimacy for using the sustainable livelihood approach to examine the roles that tourism plays in indigenous people's daily lives. Culture is embedded in daily life and the approach allows the researcher to explore the meanings behind people's daily activities. Also, tourism needs to be placed in a broader context in order to identify whether any linkages exist between it and other sectors of the economy and how tourism can better fit in with exiting livelihood strategies. The research is a collaborative study of two Cou aboriginal communities (i. e. , Shanmei and Chashan) in central Taiwan using qualitative research methods. The sustainable livelihood framework is used as a vehicle for guiding research and analysis. Results indicate that Cou traditional livelihoods and their traditional social structure have been closely linked. The shift of Cou livelihoods from self-sustaining in the past to being linked increasingly to the global economic market system at present comes from a variety of external and internal factors (e. g. , policy, history, politics, macro-economic conditions). The promotion of tourism development and cultural industries by the government in recent years has provided aboriginal people with a new opportunity (tourism) in which they can make use of their culture as an advantage (culture as an attraction) to possibly reverse the inferior position. In addition to being an attraction for economic development, culture has many implications for the way things are done and for the distribution of benefits. In both villages, people employ a wide range of resources and livelihoods strategies to support themselves. Tourism has been incorporated into the livelihoods of both villages in forms of employment (regular and occasional) and various collective and self-owned enterprises (e. g. , restaurants, homestays, café, food stalls, handicraft stores and campsites). Tourism activities have the potential both to complement and to compete with other economic activities in various forms. Conflicts between tourism-related economic activities and other activities may not be obvious in terms of the use of land, water and time. The benefits and costs of each tourism activity experienced by different stakeholder groups (mainly by age and gender) vary, depending on different personal situations. The sustainable livelihoods framework was examined and used to assess the context and forms in which tourism might contribute to sustainable livelihood outcomes. Institutional processes and organizational structures are one main factor determining whether different assets, tangible and intangible, are accumulated or depleted on individual, household, and community scales. The comparison of the two cases revealed that, in the context of capitalist market economy in which people pursue the maximization of individual interests, the following situation is most likely to lead to sustainable outcome (socio-culturally, economically, and environmentally) in the context of indigenous communities. That is tourism enterprises need to be operated through institutions with a communal mechanism and through efficient operation of the communities' organizations based on collective knowledge guided by Cou culture. Sustainable livelihood thinking is useful to the concept of sustainable development because it can be used as an analytical and practical tool for guiding studies of environment and development. It also serves as a means of integrating three modes of thinking: environmental thinking which stresses sustainability, development thinking which stresses production and growth, and livelihood thinking which stresses sustenance for the poor. The approach facilitates examination of the reality of aboriginal people and poor people in rural and remote areas. The approach focuses on the local impacts of change, recognizes the complexity of people's lives, acknowledges that people have different and sometimes complex livelihood strategies and addresses benefits that are defined by the marginalized communities themselves. It acknowledges the dynamism of the factors that influence livelihoods: it recognizes that change occurs and people accommodate, learn from change and plan, adapt and respond to change. It focuses on accommodating traditional knowledge and skills to create conditions for marginalized communities to enhance their well-being. It assists in understanding that traditional knowledge and its innovation provide a basis for the development of coping mechanisms and adaptive strategies to buffer the forces which threaten livelihoods. The sustainable livelihood framework is useful because it places the interests of local people at the centre. Such an approach incorporates tourism as one component of development, particularly for indigenous people, and explores how positive development impacts can be expanded and negative ones can be reduced. However, unless supplemented, the framework may not do justice to the importance of culture and the prominent roles played by key individuals. Keywords: Indigenous people, sustainable livelihoods, culture, sustainability, Taiwan </>

The primary purpose of this research was to collect data for First Nations educators and policy makers to use in making decisions surrounding issues of First Nations women and technology education. Nine First Nations women preservice teachers at the intern stage of their Indian Teacher Education Program at the University of Saskatchewan were engaged in in-depth interviews concerning their experiences and perceptions regarding technology. The study found that the participants defined technology first and foremost as computer-related. Some viewed technology from the cultural aspect, and thought technology used for financial gain would take away from the traditional family values. The participants thought that women needed technological training and that they needed to develop self-confidence and become role models in order for First Nations women to exercise leadership in the field of technology. The participants stated that their university experience was responsible for most of their learning about technology. They did not, however, feel prepared to face the technology they would encounter in schools. Intimidation, stereotypes, the lack of access and exposure to technology, the lack of a good self-image, lack of time, and lack of role models were perceived to be some of the biggest barriers to First Nations women learning about and using technology. Men in their use of intimidation and stories with negative images of women and technology were perceived as one of the strongest deterrents to First Nation women advancing in the area of technology. Findings from this study had significant implications. First Nations teacher preparation programs should include required credit computer courses and establish daycare centres. Band-controlled schools should update computers and make computer facilities available to the community members. Politicians should make provisions for technology education by providing funding for such courses. Further research such as a collection of stories embracing positive images of First Nations women involved in technological pursuits should be undertaken to help ameliorate the status of First Nations women in technology education.

The Saskatchewan First Nations leadership development study is essentially a continuation of my previous research on First Nations leadership and spirituality (2002). The purpose of this study was to explore First Nations leadership and leadership development in Saskatchewan within the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations organizational context. To accomplish this, the study involved an extensive literature review on Indigenous and Western leadership and leadership development theories. Further, an examination of four established and prominent North American Indigenous leadership development programs was conducted to gain further understanding of Indigenous leadership. In addition, 10 First Nations leaders from the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations participated in in-depth interviews. <p>Qualitative inquiry was chosen for this study because qualitative research methods were congruent with First Nations methods of sharing and preserving information. In-depth interviews with semi-structured questions were conducted to obtain information on Saskatchewan First Nations leadership and leadership development. All but one participant agreed to the use of an audio taped interview. Once the interviews were complete, Atlas-ti, a computer software program, was used to assist in the coding, categorizing, and thematic emergence process. <p>The four Aboriginal leadership development programs that were examined were University of Arizonas Native Nations Institute for Leadership, Management, and Policy, Pennsylvania States American Indian Leadership Program, Banff Centres Aboriginal Leadership and Management Program, and the Aboriginal Leadership Institute Incorporated, located in Winnipeg. These programs strived to remain current and were involved in research initiatives. Moreover, they all attempted to incorporate First Nations culture, history, and issues alongside Western leadership skills, training, and education. They evolved, adapted, and were sensitive to change and innovation in leadership development. First Nations leadership development programs, like those studied, are valuable because they unite Aboriginal leadership for the purpose of personal and professional growth.<p>The First Nations leaders that participated in this study shared personal and professional leadership and leadership development experiences and philosophy. <p>The leaders indicated that being a First Nations leader was challenging because it continuously contended with two fundamentally different cultures Western and First Nations. In addition, First Nations poverty, lack of funding, residential school effects, addictions, among other things, made leadership difficult. Because First Nations leadership is physically, emotionally, intellectually, and spiritually taxing, many of the Chiefs cited internal rather than material satisfaction. Moreover, these leaders were often motivated by a cause and the desire for collective well-being and positive change. Family, community members, other leaders, Elders, and the Creator were acknowledged as sources of strength and inspiration. <p>The First Nations leaders who participated in the study perceived leadership development as a life-long process of formal and informal learning experiences. Consequently, many of the leaders indicated that leadership development began in childhood with individual and family development. The leaders described a First Nations leadership development program that was flexible (able to work in community, tribal, and provincial settings), cognizant of First Nations culture, needs, and issues, and aware of current and innovative leadership practices. First Nations leadership development should also incorporate Western knowledge, skills, and education. <p>This First Nations leadership investigation has provided invaluable insight into the values, beliefs, worldview, and philosophies that entail and ultimately constitute Indigenous leadership and leadership development. Studies that focus on Indigenous leadership development ultimately have significant implications for theory, research, fundamental, and practical applications for learning organizations.

Following the writing practice of learned Anishinaabe Elders Alexander Wolfe (Benesih Doodaem), Dan Musqua (Mukwa Doodaem) and Edward Benton-Banai (Geghoon Doodaem), this Midewiwin-like naming Manidookewin acknowledges Anishinaabe Spiritual teachings as belonging to the body of Midewiwin knowledge. Unlike any other study of Canadian literature, this dissertation is set up like a naming Manidookewin (ceremonial way) to resuscitate Midewiwin teachings that were forced underground during the fervor of colonial settlement and Christian proselytism. Therefore, this dissertation makes a valuable contribution to Canadian literary criticism because it uses Midewiwin teachings as a Spiritual path set down by ancestors to create a Manidookewin for engaging with selected contemporary Anishinaabe stories. An Anishinaabe-specific theoretical method, this Manidookewin attends to Midewiwin teachings carried by Doodaem (clan) relations in selected Anishinaabe stories written in English. A naming Manidookewin does not seek to render as meaningless all other critical interpretations, rather this ceremonial way adheres to Midewiwin Doodaem protocols for attending to the ways of ancestors. According to such protocols, I participate personally in this Manidookewin by entering the text as an Anishinaabekwe-Metis-Nehiowe (Plains Ojibway-Metis-Cree woman). Guided by the storied teachings of Anishinaabe paternal ancestors, I enter the text as a member of the Benesih Doodaem (Bird Clan) to negotiate discursive spaces for the re-settlement of Doodaemag, Manitoukwe, Chibooway and Nindawemeganidok, or Midewiwin Clan relations, a Mother Creator, Spiritual ancestors, and living relations.<p> In accordance with Midewiwin traditions, this naming Manidookewin relies on the previous work of community-acknowledged authorities. Therefore, Alexander Wolfes Earth Elder Stories: The Pinayzitt Path; Dan Musquas Seven Fires: Teachings of the Bear Clan; Edward Benton-Banais The Mishomis Book; Basil Johnstons Ojibway Heritage, Ojibway Ceremonies, The Manitous: The Spiritual World of the Ojibway; and Gerald Vizenors The People Named the Chippewa: Narrative Histories provide the foundation for this naming Manidookewin. Their work is used to resuscitate Midewiwin teachings that appear to be submerged in written English in Marie Annharte Bakers Bird Clan Mother, Kimberly Blaesers Of Landscape and Narrative, Kateri Akiwenzie-Damms this is where we stand our ground, and Kahgegagabowhs The Traditional History and Characteristic Sketches of the Ojibway Nation. Their work is also used to shine a light on the Midewiwin teachings recalled by Doodaem relations in Winona LaDukes Giiwedahn: Coming Home and Richard Wagameses Keeper N Me. Along with Anishinaabe scholars Margaret Noori, Lawrence Gross, Darcy Rheault, and Patricia McQuire, these writers are included as members of specific Doodaemag to show how Midewiwin teachings ground some Anishinaabe stories. In connecting stories written in English to Midewiwin and Doodaemag prechristian and precolonial systems of governance and signification, this study illustrates how Anishinaabe literature performs Spiritual and political functions by re-membering and relating Being to Gitchi Manitou, Manitoukwe, Chibooway, and Nindawemeganidok.

Indigeneity plays a central role in planning for diversity and creating inclusive cities in Canada. In the public domain, racism remains prominent in cities and presents challenges to the realization by urban Aboriginal peoples and Newcomers of their aspirations in urban society. In Winnipeg, an Aboriginal-led organisation has initiated partnerships with Newcomer settlement organisations to bring both groups together to build intercultural relationships. A case study of the United Against Racism/Aboriginal Youth Circle component of Ka Ni Kanichihk (KNK) provides the opportunity to examine the effects of its partnerships on the following matters: promoting cross-cultural understanding and friendships, changing negative perceptions and building confidence among Aboriginal peoples and Newcomers vis-a-vis each other, and help indirectly to facilitate Newcomer integration into neighbourhoods predominantly occupied by Aboriginal peoples in Winnipeg. An analysis of the data gathered on the partnership programs revealed that prior to participating in these programs there were negative preconceptions about one another based on false impressions. The programming has facilitated the sharing of cultures and ideas. This has also helped members of both groups to value their cultural differences and similar history of colonialism where they exist, develop a shared understanding of the racism that confronts Aboriginal peoples and racialized Newcomers, break down stereotypes, and build friendships. This thesis reveals that in the short term, the programs and partnerships of KNK are contributing to better cross-cultural understanding and relations within a multiculturalism framework, and that in the long term they have the potential to contribute to better cross-cultural understanding and relations within an intercultural framework. The cross-cultural networks being developed bode well for the potential of developing instrumental policy and advocacy partnerships in addressing common issues faced by Aboriginals and Newcomers through progressive urban policy in Canadian cities.

The disparity in tuberculosis rates between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people persists in Canada and New Zealand. The most common form of tuberculosis in humans is pulmonary tuberculosis so eliminating tuberculosis transmission is an important obstacle to decreasing the overall rates of the disease. In both Canada and New Zealand, social determinants of health such as housing conditions, access to health care and historical influences (including similar experiences with colonization) have been implicated in the high rates of tuberculosis. This thesis examines and compares the social determinants of tuberculosis transmission among Aboriginal people in the Canadian province of Alberta and Maori and Pacific people in New Zealand. In Alberta, ten Aboriginal individuals with smear-positive pulmonary tuberculosis participating in a larger prairie wide study were divided into two groups (transmitter and non-transmitter) based on transmission events identified through contact tracing and DNA fingerprinting. Interviews with the ten participants were analyzed and compared using an interpretive phenomenological perspective and informed by an Aboriginal framework of health. Survey data from the same individuals provided complementary descriptive statistics. In New Zealand, interviews with Maori and Pacific pulmonary TB participants that had been conducted as part of other studies were accessed and analyzed using an interpretive phenomenological perspective. Like in Canada, Indigenous frameworks of health specific to Maori and Pacific people informed the analysis. The Canadian analysis identified three factors of greater relevance within the transmission group: substance use, patient-delay-in-seeking-treatment, and number of contacts. These factors were also relevant for the Maori and Pacific experience of tuberculosis. The results of this cross-cultural comparative study highlight the complexity of the experience of tuberculosis for Indigenous people in both Canada and New Zealand. Future research and education and intervention programs must not only consider the proximal social determinants of health, such as poverty, unemployment, etc, but also the more distal social determinants of health and the causes of causes such as colonization and its multi-generational effects.