Rapid economic growth in emerging economies since the end of the Cold War has driven debate on American 'relative decline'; the relative diminution of US material capabilities with respect to other states. Such relative decline poses potential constraints on US power and has thus manifested itself in arguments over the economic merits of the United States' expansive military commitments. Contributing to this literature, my thesis answers the following question: does American military strategy generate economic benefits? I argue that that there is significant evidence to suggest that US military strategy has influenced international economic relationships in ways beneficial to US national interests. Principally, my analysis shows American military strategy acts as a 'underwriter' for the extant international economic system. I explore two logics associated with this. Firstly, a general 'status quo' logic which sees military power as both a guarantor and promoter of specific structural configurations of the international political economy. And secondly, a more specific 'utility' logic operating on other states either bilaterally or multilaterally. This pathway assumes that US military strategy, particularly its security guarantees, may alter the utility of other states decisions in America's favour. This thesis also shows that specific results often prove far more tentative and circumstantial than commonly articulated by scholars in the literature. Nearly all specific and 'utility' pathways through which the United States is hypothesized to derive economic benefit suffer from foundational generalisability issues, irrespective of methodology. This suggests that specific avenues and instances of US military strategy influencing international economic relationships are not likely to be a reliable or prudent source of future policy making. Rather, the principal political-economic influence to consider is the role US military power plays in underwriting the contemporary American centred international order, which is the prerequisite for other specific pathways to emerge.

The purpose of the study is to investigate the extent to which the BRICS can exert leadership in a world in which sustainability becomes ever more crucial, especially in light of the Sustainable Development Goals presently used to track progress and performance before 2030. Moreover, the focus on sustainability is deemed important to assess the ability of the BRICS to ‘sustain’ their own efforts at transforming global governance vis-à-vis internal and external social, political, economic and environmental fragilities. The study is based on a critical literature review and a host of secondary data of both qualitative and quantitative nature. The quantitative data, gathered from existing sources, assisted in the identification of trends and patterns within the respective BRICS countries regarding their overall sustainability. The qualitative has been used to draw deductions and conclusions regarding trends within the respective BRICS countries. The study concludes that the BRICS struggle in terms of sustainability. This is evident in the triad sustainability analysis of the bloc. The BRICS display varying degrees of weakness across all three spheres of sustainability. By contrast, there are other countries from the Global South that perform much better and could be seen as more credible leaders of a transition in global governance that is truly inspired by new values. These are: Botswana, Chile, Costa Rica and South Korea. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2018. / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

yes / This article supports growing calls to ‘take small states seriously’ in the international political economy but questions prevailing interpretations that ‘smallness’ entails inherent qualities that create unique constraints on, and opportunities for, small states. Instead, we argue that discourses surrounding the ‘inherent vulnerability’ of small states, especially developing and less-developed states, may produce the very outcomes that are attributed to state size itself. By presenting small states as a problem to be solved, vulnerability discourses divert attention away from the existence of unequal power structures that, far from being the natural result of smallness, are in fact contingent and politically contested. The article then explores these themes empirically through discussion of small developing and less-developed states in the Commonwealth and the World Trade Organization (WTO), considering in particular how smallness has variously been articulated in terms of what small states either cannot or will not do.

From the middle of the 1970s, an increasing amount of scholarly analysis centred around the concept of leadership in international relations at a time when US post-Second World War leadership began to decline. As a major beneficiary of this decline, Japan assumed the mantle of a replacement in the burgeoning field devoted to the study of changes in the international political economy. A major problem became the way in which the study of leadership in international relations became hostage to the singular example of the United States. The conflation between leadership on the one hand, with US interests and responsibilities on the other, rendered much of the analysis flawed. The growing disparities between the supply of international public goods and narrowly conceived US foreign policy interests undermined the overall study of international leadership. Japan, as the country during the 1980s perceived most likely to supplant the US as the largest and most influential capitalist economy, became the centre of interest in this field. This thesis seeks to more comprehensively measure and analyse Japanese leadership in a more contextual and thorough means through the comparative use of case studies between 1960 and 2000. Through noting the differences in country and regional reactions to Japanese foreign policy, this study demonstrates that leadership perceptions are more often than not driven by national self interest rather than an ideal type of responsible leadership.

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Liberalism can be generally characterized as a political ideology that assumes the rational, self-interested nature of human beings. However, two distinct strands of liberal theory have evolved from this shared construction of the human agent, namely state-oriented and market-oriented liberalism. It will be shown that state-oriented liberalism provides the theoretical core of liberal democratic states, whereas market-oriented liberalism provides the theoretical core for the globalized market economy. This thesis will uncover a profound tension through a discussion of the new constitutional effects of the investor-state regime. Furthermore, this thesis will show that the recent changes of the investor-state regime have failed to resolve the theoretical tension between liberal democracies and the investor-state regime. And finally, this thesis argues that the only way to resolve the tension between the two strands of liberalism is to incorporate liberal democratic principles into the investor-state regime. / Graduate / 0615 / 0616 / matt.stuckenberg@gmail.com

Our current understanding of credit rating agencies’ influence on national sovereignty relies on a dichotomised and highly antagonistic view of the relationship between states and the global economy. This perspective is locked into the discursive confines of the structuralist-sceptics debate within the field of international political economy. CRAs are said to either erode state sovereignty or represent a manifestation of it. By abandoning the state-market, public-private and national-global dichotomies embedded within this debate, and the zero-sum mentality they are predicated upon, this thesis offers an alternative – “transformationalist” – perspective to view the power of CRAs and their influence on national sovereignty. Defying traditional categorization, CRAs’ power is the result of a state-market, public-private confluence of interest and therefore has no determinative influence on national sovereignty. In the course of this analysis, a second assumption embedded within the study of CRAs’ influence is criticised: the fixation on the “big three” rating agencies (Moody’s, S&P and Fitch) and the neglect of the significance of the credit rating itself. Because the rating determination process is opaque, and the credit rating itself is a highly simplified expression of an intricately complex financial, economic and political reality, the causes of a sovereign rating change are often “up for debate”. Governments, within certain degrees of interpretation, are able to embed their own domestic political interests into the “causes” of a rating change, thereby co-opting and co-constructing the power and expertise of CRAs. This can, when successful, enhance governments’ internal sovereignty over domestic social forces and their external sovereignty as they “filter” the influence of a non-state actor. New Zealand’s interaction with the CRAs throughout 2008 to 2012 illustrates how this dynamic occurs and its limitations. The thesis seeks to highlight the diversity and heterogeneity involved in the processes of globalization in general, and CRAs’ influence in particular, and in doing so open up political space to consider possible forms of resistance.

This thesis examines the qualitative transformation taking place within the processes of transnationalisation of labour markets that drive a substantive increase in the segmentation and fragmentation of migrant labour. The thesis argues that by either focusing on the agential elements or strictly structural constraints, conventional perspectives on the role of intermediaries in processes of international migration lack a comprehensive transnational theorisation of labour markets. A focus on the transnationalisation of labour markets through the role of cross-border farm labour contractors aims to address these limitations by analysing the complex nature of processes of transnationalisation in the provision of migrant labour in Californian agriculture. A transnational labour market approach is developed to show how three regimes of segmentation-fragmentation operate at the Federal (nation-state) and state (regional) levels and also at a local level through the actions of farm labour contractors in the organisation of movement and workplace practices along formal and informal lines. The core argument of this thesis is that the tensions between fragmentation and segmentation within the process of transnationalisation of labour markets between Mexico and the United States conflate in everyday precarity for migrant workers. Everyday precarity involves not only the conditions under which migrant workers perform their activities in the workplace, but also extends beyond to include aspects of their everyday lives in a transnational fashion. Farm labour contractors play an important role in organising and coordinating flexibility in fragmented agricultural labour markets. Through their position at the heart of the tensions of the interplay between the three regimes, farm labour contractors gain power over the labour process, thereby contributing to further fragmentation. This power is linked to the migration and protection policies established by nation-states at the first regime of segmentation-fragmentation, and is also shaped by the regional (Californian) labour legislation at the second regime of segmentation-fragmentation. The thesis concludes that a transnational theorisation of labour markets, which places intermediaries such as farm labour contractors within the tensions of processes of transnationalisation that account for not only segmentation but also fragmentation, is required to fully understand everyday precarity beyond national boundaries. Therefore, farm labour contractors are key channels of transnationalisation by contributing to further fragmentation at the local level in already highly segmented labour markets.

Neoliberalism as a paradigm can be defined as the political economic framework of ideas of the current times which advocates for, privatization of state-owned enterprises, deregulation, ‘free markets’ and supporting of political individualism. As members of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization, and due to their economic dependence on the Western world, developing countries have been obligated to implement the neoliberal paradigm within their domestic terrain. Most African peoples are poor, live in dire conditions and are unable to function in a neoliberal context, as they are excluded from economic participation in their countries, due to a lack of resources, income, and a lack of skills and qualifications to participate in the market or in the neoliberal model as a whole. The tendency of the neoliberal paradigm to extend its hand to non-market forces such as in the provisioning of education, has led to the education service being inaccessible to those who need it the most. The paper seeks to find ways in which the influence of the neoliberal paradigm could be minimised on a sectoral level, focusing on the education sector. This research paper utilizes the Qualitative research approach as it studies a complex phenomenon and concepts. It is a ‘Desk-top study’ which focuses on ‘document analyses’. It is exploratory, and utilizes the case study design, to explore the education sector of two African countries, namely: South Africa and Rwanda. It explores international laws, conventions, government documents, reports, journals, articles and other documentation to examine the phenomenon. It seeks to determine the extent and success behind the phenomena of government intervention in the education sector of these two countries in their resistance of the influence of the neoliberal paradigm in their education sector, to determine the possibility of African countries in minimising the influence of the neoliberal paradigm on a sectoral level. It sources data from the internet, library and bookstores and its data types are: past and present literature, in particular: secondary data (books and journals) and other publications. The argument that the paper posits is that: although it may be impossible for the African continent to delink from the entire International Financial System; it is possible for the African continent to minimise the influence of the neoliberal paradigm on a sectoral level. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / University of Pretoria / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

Financial literacy is commonly defined as the knowledge, skills, and ability to navigate the increasingly complex financial markets, and is considered to empower consumers to make responsible financial decisions. Financial literacy is increasingly promoted as a crucial life skill in the aftermath of global financial crisis by numerous global initiatives and became part and parcel of national strategies of financial inclusion. By utilizing theoretical insights from Michel Foucault’s late work on governmentality, this dissertation analyzes financial literacy education initiatives in Turkey with ethnographic research. Cultural political economy perspective articulated in this dissertation underlines the importance of theorizing the financialized capital accumulation dynamics together with the reshaping of culture and the constitution of financialized subjectivities. It is argued that financial literacy is a “technique of the self” seeking to govern the everyday conduct of subjects in line with the long-term interests of financial capital. Financial literacy curricula provide not only the basic knowledge of finance but also instruct subjects ways to conduct oneself on financial planning, budgeting, debt management, creditworthiness, saving and investment. Financial literacy agenda deepens neo-liberal governmentality with the promotion of entrepreneurial subjectivity and responsibilization of individuals for social risks such as unemployment, economic downturn, and pensions. By problematizing the constitution of financially literate subjectivity and providing an everyday and cultural perspective on financialization, this dissertation contributes to the discipline of International Political Economy. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)