The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims. When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.

This project considers the pace of change in international law, focusing on sources of evolution and stagnation. I attempt to determine why negotiators defer to existing law in some situations and not others. To that end, this study explores country preferences towards the status quo in international negotiations. I hypothesize that deference to existing international law is more likely under four conditions. First, countries that have experienced a decline in relative power should promote deference to existing international law. Second, declining powers that have allowed private access by their citizens to existing international institutions should have greater domestic political pressure to protect those arrangements. Third, this relationship should be particularly strong if interested citizens are able to participate (perhaps through the ratification process) in subsequent negotiations. Finally, more complex negotiations (i.e., those including more participants) should result in greater deference to existing international law. The project tests these hypotheses with statistical analysis on a random sample of multilateral treaties, as well as case studies of negotiation practices in the United States, India, and the European Union. The analysis supports all four conjectures, and notes interactions between them. / Dissertation

This research aims to analyze the international political economy of rising China since the mid 1990s. The main question it tries to answer / why in the early 21st century, Chinese officials defined China&amp / #8217 / s position within the international system as Peaceful Rise in theory, in rhetoric and in policy. The research studies the question based on analysis of international political economy of China&amp / #8217 / s reform process within a historical perspective. Given China&amp / #8217 / s history-long &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / catching up with the West&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / as the main drive behind the determination and the guidance of China&amp / #8217 / s strategy at home and abroad throughout the political history of modern China, the thesis argues that &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / China&amp / #8217 / s Rise&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / has became the new strategy of China&amp / #8217 / s catching up objective towards the 21st century. Chinese leadership formulated the concept of Peaceful Rise as the discourse of the new policy to both domestic and external audiences. Building up Harmonious Society and being a Soft Power in international order have been designed as the policy components of new strategy. Chinese leadership also used the concept of Peaceful Rise as the theory of the legitimization of the new strategy of &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / China&amp / #8217 / s Rise&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / and its policy components.

In the 2003 Treaty of Accession, the signatories agreed that all New Member States (NMS) that joined the European Union (EU) in 2004, would adopt the euro, even if no timetable was provided. Why have some NMS not been able to join the euro area even if they made serious attempts at the outset? What are the circumstances and policies in these countries that have led them not yet to adopt the euro? Has it been lack of political will on the part of the government, a strong voice in the opposition, a euroskeptic president, insufficient administrative capacity, or lack of policy learning? Though there is no consensus among economists as to whether or not adopting the euro in the short run is a good idea, an economic cost-benefit analysis would suggest that in the long run euro adoption is positive for NMS. Yet, macroeconomic analyses cannot explain the change in government policies that may lead to euro adoption. Political scientists have typically focused on collective identity, policy learning, ideas and knowledge transfer among central bankers and other political elites, as well as adjustment to global pressures and Europeanization. This political science literature is unable to provide a satisfactory explanation as to why the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland have not adopted the euro yet. I argue that the role of domestic politics is key to explaining the process of euro adoption in Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland: government policies, elections, electoral cycles as well as constitutional rules, veto points, central banks, public opinion and the media turn out to be crucial in explaining the lagging euro adoption process in these countries. / Graduate

Esse trabalho investiga a questão da desindustrialização da economia brasileira, caracterizada por uma mudança na divisão social do trabalho, na perspectiva das recentes transformações do capitalismo mundial, como a financeirização, a terceirização, a relocalização e a digitalização das atividades econômicas. Essas transformações estruturais do capitalismo, desencadeadas pela crise de acumulação nos anos setenta, constituem a base do processo de globalização econômica. A pesquisa parte da hipótese de que a desindustrialização da economia brasileira não está centrada na sobrevalorização cambial que acompanha a política de estabilização monetária a partir da década de 1990, como tem enfatizado parte da literatura especializada, mas no processo de globalização econômica, que acompanha os deslocamentos dos fluxos de capitais produtivos e financeiros desde a década de 1980. Tendo em vista as dificuldades internas do país durante a “década perdida”, o curso dos investimentos estrangeiros desencadeia a primeira etapa do processo de mudança estrutural da base produtiva nacional. No momento em que o Brasil atravessava uma severa crise de endividamento externo, os investimentos estrangeiros expandiram-se consideravelmente, através da internacionalização produtiva e financeira, em direção aos países que apresentaram estabilidade institucional e macroeconômica, já comprometidos com a liberalização comercial e a desregulamentação dos mercados. A partir da década de 1990, com a liberalização financeira e a abertura comercial, o processo de desindustrialização da economia brasileira avança consideravelmente, através do aprofundamento da financeirização das atividades econômicas e da abrupta intensificação da concorrência interna e externa, causada pela integração econômica ao padrão de acumulação capitalista dos países avançados. Desde então, o país tem observado a consolidação do processo de desindustrialização, impulsionado pela financeirização da riqueza e redistribuição geográfica da indústria em escala global, de acordo com as oportunidades e prerrogativas da acumulação capitalista. Para fundamentar a proposta de pesquisa, o estudo busca identificar e dimensionar as conseqüências desse processo de globalização financeira, produtiva e comercial sobre a estrutura da produção e do emprego na economia brasileira, tendo em vista os interesses estratégicos das empresas transnacionais e geopolíticos dos estados nacionais. / This research investigates the issue of de-industrialization of the Brazilian economy, which is characterized by a change in the social division of labor, from the framework of the recent transformations of world capitalism, as financialization, outsourcing, relocation and the digitization of economic activity. These structural transformations of capitalism, triggered by the accumulation of crisis in the seventies, are the basis of the economic globalization process. This investigation stems from the hypothesis that deindustrialization in Brazil is not based on exchange overvaluation that followed stabilization monetary policy since the 1990s, as suggested by part of the literature on the subject, but rather on the process of economic globalization that followed the movements of both productive and financial capital flows since the 1980s. Given the internal problems of the country during the "lost decade", the direction of foreign investments triggered the first phase of structural change in the national productive structure. By the time that Brazil was going through a severe external debt crisis, foreign investment expanded considerably by the productive and financial internationalization towards those countries that have institutional and macroeconomic stability, already committed to trade liberalization and deregulation of markets. Since the 1990s, along with financial and trade liberalization, the process of deindustrialization in the Brazilian economy spread considerably, through both the financialization of economic activities and abrupt intensification of domestic and foreign competition, caused by the economic integration to the pattern of capitalist accumulation in advanced countries. Since then, the country has seen the consolidation of deindustrialization, prompted both by the financialization of wealth and geographic redistribution of industry on a global scale, according to the opportunities and prerogatives of capitalist accumulation. In support of the proposed research, this study seeks to identify and assess the consequences of financial, productive and commercial globalization on Brazilian economy’s production and employment structure, considering transnational corporations’ strategic interests and national states’ geopolitical interests.

[pt] Os últimos anos têm presenciado um rápido aumento nos casos de land grab em diversas regiões do mundo. Terras e outros itens relacionados a ela têm sido apropriados em uma corrida global, que têm resultado em desapropriações, violações de direitos humanos, insegurança alimentar, dentre outros. O principal objetivo desta dissertação é analisar as iniciativas de organizações internacionais para a regulação global dos investimentos em terra e discutir seus efeitos sobre o fenômeno land grabbing no início do século XXI. Para isso, o estudo busca, primeiramente, avançar na compreensão do land grabbing, entendido como apropriação de terras, ideia que está diretamente ligada aos processos paralelos de acumulação por espoliação e reprodução ampliada do capital, conforme conceitos de David Harvey, e a transformações recentes na economia e política mundiais, que contribuíram para a corrida contemporânea. Esta perspectiva é complementada pela teoria crítica neogramsciana das Relações Internacionais, que explicam como a governança global do período está entrelaçada a um modelo de desenvolvimento dominante. A governança global dos land grabs é analisada por meio do foco em duas iniciativas multilaterais, elaboradas pelo Banco Mundial e agências da ONU. Os conceitos de novo constitucionalismo e civilização de mercado são essenciais para notar como as organizações internacionais têm sido aliadas no processo de mercantilização da natureza, em uma governança pautada por um discurso neoliberal e coordenada pela disciplina de mercado e pelo poder político. Argumenta-se que tais organizações, por meio de suas iniciativas de governança da terra, legitimam as apropriações de terra e contribuem para uma despolitização do debate sobre land grabbing. / [en] Recent years have witnessed a rapid increase in land grabbing in several regions of the world. Land and other related items have been appropriate in a global race whose dynamics have resulted in expropriations, human rights violations, food insecurity, among others. The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze the initiatives of international organizations for the global regulation of investments on land and to discuss their effects on the land grabbing phenomenon at the beginning of the 21st century. To this end, this study seeks firstly to advance the understanding of the land grabbing phenomenon, understood as appropriation of land, an idea that is directly linked to the parallel processes of accumulation by dispossession and reproduction of capital, according to David Harvey s concepts, and to recent transformations in world economy and politics, which contributed to the contemporary race. This perspective is complemented by assumptions and concepts of neogramscian critical theory of International Relations, which explain how the global governance of the period is intertwined with a dominant development model. The global governance of the land grabs is analyzed by focusing on two multilateral initiatives, launched by the World Bank and UN agencies. The concepts of new constitutionalism and market civilization are essential to note how international organizations have been allied in the process of commodification of nature, in governance ruled by a neoliberal discourse and coordinated by market discipline and political power. It is argued that such organizations, through their land governance initiatives, legitimize land appropriations and contribute to depoliticizing the land grabbing debate.

Esse trabalho investiga a questão da desindustrialização da economia brasileira, caracterizada por uma mudança na divisão social do trabalho, na perspectiva das recentes transformações do capitalismo mundial, como a financeirização, a terceirização, a relocalização e a digitalização das atividades econômicas. Essas transformações estruturais do capitalismo, desencadeadas pela crise de acumulação nos anos setenta, constituem a base do processo de globalização econômica. A pesquisa parte da hipótese de que a desindustrialização da economia brasileira não está centrada na sobrevalorização cambial que acompanha a política de estabilização monetária a partir da década de 1990, como tem enfatizado parte da literatura especializada, mas no processo de globalização econômica, que acompanha os deslocamentos dos fluxos de capitais produtivos e financeiros desde a década de 1980. Tendo em vista as dificuldades internas do país durante a “década perdida”, o curso dos investimentos estrangeiros desencadeia a primeira etapa do processo de mudança estrutural da base produtiva nacional. No momento em que o Brasil atravessava uma severa crise de endividamento externo, os investimentos estrangeiros expandiram-se consideravelmente, através da internacionalização produtiva e financeira, em direção aos países que apresentaram estabilidade institucional e macroeconômica, já comprometidos com a liberalização comercial e a desregulamentação dos mercados. A partir da década de 1990, com a liberalização financeira e a abertura comercial, o processo de desindustrialização da economia brasileira avança consideravelmente, através do aprofundamento da financeirização das atividades econômicas e da abrupta intensificação da concorrência interna e externa, causada pela integração econômica ao padrão de acumulação capitalista dos países avançados. Desde então, o país tem observado a consolidação do processo de desindustrialização, impulsionado pela financeirização da riqueza e redistribuição geográfica da indústria em escala global, de acordo com as oportunidades e prerrogativas da acumulação capitalista. Para fundamentar a proposta de pesquisa, o estudo busca identificar e dimensionar as conseqüências desse processo de globalização financeira, produtiva e comercial sobre a estrutura da produção e do emprego na economia brasileira, tendo em vista os interesses estratégicos das empresas transnacionais e geopolíticos dos estados nacionais. / This research investigates the issue of de-industrialization of the Brazilian economy, which is characterized by a change in the social division of labor, from the framework of the recent transformations of world capitalism, as financialization, outsourcing, relocation and the digitization of economic activity. These structural transformations of capitalism, triggered by the accumulation of crisis in the seventies, are the basis of the economic globalization process. This investigation stems from the hypothesis that deindustrialization in Brazil is not based on exchange overvaluation that followed stabilization monetary policy since the 1990s, as suggested by part of the literature on the subject, but rather on the process of economic globalization that followed the movements of both productive and financial capital flows since the 1980s. Given the internal problems of the country during the "lost decade", the direction of foreign investments triggered the first phase of structural change in the national productive structure. By the time that Brazil was going through a severe external debt crisis, foreign investment expanded considerably by the productive and financial internationalization towards those countries that have institutional and macroeconomic stability, already committed to trade liberalization and deregulation of markets. Since the 1990s, along with financial and trade liberalization, the process of deindustrialization in the Brazilian economy spread considerably, through both the financialization of economic activities and abrupt intensification of domestic and foreign competition, caused by the economic integration to the pattern of capitalist accumulation in advanced countries. Since then, the country has seen the consolidation of deindustrialization, prompted both by the financialization of wealth and geographic redistribution of industry on a global scale, according to the opportunities and prerogatives of capitalist accumulation. In support of the proposed research, this study seeks to identify and assess the consequences of financial, productive and commercial globalization on Brazilian economy’s production and employment structure, considering transnational corporations’ strategic interests and national states’ geopolitical interests.

O apoio estatal à expansão de conglomerados econômicos nacionais no exterior não é novidade nos países industrializados. Contudo, somente nas últimas décadas, esse tema tem- -se tornado uma realidade para países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil. No caso brasileiro, em que pese ao fato de que algumas empresas nacionais já haviam iniciado seus processos de internacionalização muito antes do recorte temporal deste trabalho, a novidade recai sobre o papel do Estado como indutor de uma estratégia de apoio à internacionalização de empresas nacionais. As justificativas para empreender um estudo sobre as relações entre segmentos da sociedade e o Estado na estratégia governamental de apoio à internacionalização de empresas nacionais respaldam-se na importância e na notoriedade dessa política durante o Governo Lula e no governo de sua sucessora, a Presidente Dilma Rousseff. Adicionalmente, a criação de instrumentos governamentais de financiamento à internacionalização de empresas brasileiras deu continuidade a um processo de consolidação do aparato institucional de fomento ao comércio exterior brasileiro que vinha estruturando-se em governos anteriores. No contexto dessa estratégia, o Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) atuou como ator central na articulação de interesses da política externa do País e de segmentos do empresariado nacional. Assim, esta tese de doutorado busca analisar os contextos e as razões que levaram o governo do Presidente Lula a adotar a estratégia de apoio estatal à internacionalização de empresas nacionais durante o período de sua administração (2003-10). / The governmental support for the expansion of national economic conglomerates abroad is not new in industrialized countries. However, only in recent decades this issue has become a reality for developing countries like Brazil. In Brazil, despite the fact that some national companies had already started their internationalization processes long before the time frame of this study, the novelty lies in the state’s role as a promoter of a strategy to support the internationalization of Brazilian companies. The reasons for undertaking a study on the links between segments of society and the state in the government’s strategy to support the internationalization of national companies are based on the importance and the notoriety of this policy during Lula’s administration and that of his successor, President Dilma Rousseff. In addition, the creation of government financing instruments for the internationalization of Brazilian companies is part of the consolidation process of an institutional framework to promote Brazilian foreign trade that had been partly structured in previous governments. In the context of this strategy, the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) served as a central actor in orchestrating the interests of the country’s foreign policy and those of private national business groups. Thus, this doctoral dissertation aims to analyze the contexts and the reasons that led the government of President Lula to adopt a state support strategy towards the internationalization of national companies during the period of his administration (2003-2010).

[pt] O vertiginoso crescimento econômico da China das últimas décadas estabeleceu o país como uma das grandes potências de primeira grandeza do sistema internacional. Mesmo com a redução do ritmo do crescimento, estima-se que a China em breve se tornará a maior economia do mundo. O registro histórico indica que a ascensão econômica da China será acompanhada por sua ascensão política e militar. Conforme a teoria do realismo ofensivo, a China buscará ampliar sua esfera de influência sobre seu entorno geográfico com o intuito de estabelecer uma hegemonia regional. Essa dissertação irá argumentar que a iniciativa One Belt, One Road (OBOR) é a principal ferramenta das autoridades em Pequim para estabelecer uma hegemonia chinesa sobre a Eurásia. Por meio do investimento em infraestrutura no grande continente, a China irá criar uma rede de transporte terrestre e marítima que garantirá ao país acesso às principais rotas comerciais e energéticas da Eurásia, reduzindo sua vulnerabilidade no que diz respeito ao escoamento de suas exportações e ao acesso às importações de matérias primas. Argumenta-se que a OBOR é uma estratégia de duas frentes, simultaneamente baseada nas teorias de poder terrestre e poder naval, conforme os ensinamentos de Halford J. Mackinder e Alfred T. Mahan, respectivamente. Por fim, a posição dos Estados Unidos - os principais defensores da manutenção da atual distribuição de poder -, e das grandes potências vizinhas à China serão analisadas, pois a contínua expansão dos interesses internacionais da China está criando atritos ainda longe de serem resolvidos, particularmente na Ásia Central, no mar da China Meridional e no mar da China Oriental. / [en] China s breakneck economic growth in the last decades has established the country as a great power of the first rank in the international system. Even with a slowdown in the rate of growth, it is widely believed that China will soon become the largest economy in the world. History suggests that China s economic rise will be followed by its political and military rise as well. According to the theory of offensive realism, China will seek to broaden its sphere of influence as it tries to establish a regional hegemony. This dissertation will defend that the One Belt, One Road initiative (OBOR) is the main tool at Beijing s disposal for the establishment of Chinese hegemony over Eurasia. By investing in infrastructure throughout the great landmass, China will create a land and sea transport network that will guarantee the country access to Eurasia s main trade and energy routes, reducing China s vulnerability with regards to the outflow of its exports and to the inflow of raw materials. The argument here presented is that the OBOR is a two-pronged strategy, simultaneously based on the theories of land power and sea power, according to the teachings of Halford J. Mackinder and Alfred T. Mahan, respectively. Lastly, the position of the United States, the main defenders of the present-day distribution of power, and those of the great powers that neighbor China will be analyzed, given that the continued expansion of China s international interests is creating tensions still far from being resolved, particularly in Central Asia, the South China Sea and the East China Sea.

O apoio estatal à expansão de conglomerados econômicos nacionais no exterior não é novidade nos países industrializados. Contudo, somente nas últimas décadas, esse tema tem- -se tornado uma realidade para países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil. No caso brasileiro, em que pese ao fato de que algumas empresas nacionais já haviam iniciado seus processos de internacionalização muito antes do recorte temporal deste trabalho, a novidade recai sobre o papel do Estado como indutor de uma estratégia de apoio à internacionalização de empresas nacionais. As justificativas para empreender um estudo sobre as relações entre segmentos da sociedade e o Estado na estratégia governamental de apoio à internacionalização de empresas nacionais respaldam-se na importância e na notoriedade dessa política durante o Governo Lula e no governo de sua sucessora, a Presidente Dilma Rousseff. Adicionalmente, a criação de instrumentos governamentais de financiamento à internacionalização de empresas brasileiras deu continuidade a um processo de consolidação do aparato institucional de fomento ao comércio exterior brasileiro que vinha estruturando-se em governos anteriores. No contexto dessa estratégia, o Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) atuou como ator central na articulação de interesses da política externa do País e de segmentos do empresariado nacional. Assim, esta tese de doutorado busca analisar os contextos e as razões que levaram o governo do Presidente Lula a adotar a estratégia de apoio estatal à internacionalização de empresas nacionais durante o período de sua administração (2003-10). / The governmental support for the expansion of national economic conglomerates abroad is not new in industrialized countries. However, only in recent decades this issue has become a reality for developing countries like Brazil. In Brazil, despite the fact that some national companies had already started their internationalization processes long before the time frame of this study, the novelty lies in the state’s role as a promoter of a strategy to support the internationalization of Brazilian companies. The reasons for undertaking a study on the links between segments of society and the state in the government’s strategy to support the internationalization of national companies are based on the importance and the notoriety of this policy during Lula’s administration and that of his successor, President Dilma Rousseff. In addition, the creation of government financing instruments for the internationalization of Brazilian companies is part of the consolidation process of an institutional framework to promote Brazilian foreign trade that had been partly structured in previous governments. In the context of this strategy, the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) served as a central actor in orchestrating the interests of the country’s foreign policy and those of private national business groups. Thus, this doctoral dissertation aims to analyze the contexts and the reasons that led the government of President Lula to adopt a state support strategy towards the internationalization of national companies during the period of his administration (2003-2010).