[pt] O campo da Economia Política Internacional (EPI) é tradicionalmente composto por acadêmicos ocidentais e concentra-se na literatura clássica europeia, com três abordagens clássicas, que são o liberalismo, o nacionalismo e o marxismo. Tendo em mente que o termo internacional pressupõe um alcance global da disciplina, é relevante compreender os esforços de teorização do campo por parte de acadêmicos do Sul Global, que entendem temas como mercado, Estado e desenvolvimento a partir da perspectiva de fora da Europa, influenciados inclusive pelas suas próprias filosofias autóctones e milenares. Sendo a China um poder hegemônico em ascensão e dispondo de uma bagagem filosófica e científica antiga, é importante compreender como os acadêmicos chineses da área entendem a EPI, de forma que o pensamento chinês possa ser definido seja em aspectos ocidentais clássicos ou mesmo compondo novos aspectos específicos para a China, o que potencialmente pode transformar a disciplina como um todo. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar temas da Economia Política Internacional, como desenvolvimento, promoção da indústria, protecionismo, mais-valia, relações entre Estado e mercado à luz do pensamento moderno e antigo dos próprios chineses, em diálogo com a EPI tradicional (majoritariamente anglo-saxã, mas não apenas), especialmente o Nacionalismo Suniano, Confucionismo, Taoísmo e do sistema Tiangxia de ordem mundial. Essa análise nos permite concluir que o pensamento autóctone da China é muito mais do que uma mistura de abordagens ocidentais: ele compõe a sua própria abordagem única que pode mudar a disciplina em direção a novas formas de compreensão da Economia Política Internacional. / [en] The field of International Political Economy (IPE) is traditionally comprised of Western scholars and focuses on classical European literature, composed of three classical approaches, which are liberalism, nationalism and Marxism. Bearing in mind that the term international presupposes a global reach of the discipline, it is relevant to understand the efforts to theorize the field by academics from the Global South, who understand themes such as market, State and development from the perspective of outside Europe, even influenced by their own indigenous and ancient philosophies. As China is a rising hegemonic power and has ancient philosophical and scientific background, it is important to understand how Chinese academics in the field understand IPE, so that Chinese thought can be defined either in classical Western aspects or even composing new aspects specific to China, which could potentially transform the discipline. This dissertation aims to analyse themes of International Political Economy, such as development, promotion of industry, protectionism, surplus value, relations between State and market in the light of the modern and ancient thought of the Chinese themselves, in dialogue with traditional IPE (mostly Anglo-Saxon, but not only), especially Sunian Nationalism, Confucianism, Taoism and the Tiangxia system of world order. This analysis allows us to conclude that China s indigenous thought is much more than a mixture of Western approaches: it composes its own unique approach that can shift the discipline towards new ways of understanding International Political Economy.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims.</p><p>When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. </p><p>The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.</p>

Theories in the international political economy literature, economic liberalism and dependency, are explored in order to test the effect of U.S. aid, trade, and investment on human rights conditions in recipient states. Two measures of human rights conditions serve as dependent variables: security rights and subsistence rights. The data cover approximately 140 countries from 1976-1996. Pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, utilizing ordinary least squares (OLS) with panel corrected standard errors, is employed due to the temporal and spatial characteristics of the data. The results indicate that foreign assistance and economic policy may not be the best approaches to altering poor human rights practices in the area of security rights. Economic and military aid is negatively associated with levels of security rights, supporting the traditional dependency perspective. While the results from trade and investment are generally in the positive direction, the lack of consistent statistical evidence suggests that increased trade and investment relationships do not dramatically improve security rights. We can conclude, however, that trade and investment fail to have the negative effect on security rights in less developed countries which critics of globalization suggest. Economic aid has a statistically significant negative effect on subsistence rights, while military aid seems to benefit the human condition in recipient states. However, extreme negative effects on security rights accompany any benefit realized in the area of subsistence rights from military aid. Trade and investment have a positive and statistically significant effect on basic human needs providing support for the liberal perspective. It appears that American businesses and politicians can forge ahead with seemingly self-interested motivations and economic policies as American economic gain ironically serves to benefit the well being of citizens in other states. However, in spite of political rhetoric and even sincere intentions regarding foreign assistance policy, it appears that the road to human rights hell is paved with good intentions.

For the most part, formal economic integration between African states can be characterised as ‘theatre regionalism’: governments sign regional economic agreements with no intention to implement them. Yet amidst widespread theatre there have been a few instances of actual integration. This thesis sets out to explain this variance: under what conditions do African governments implement – and not just sign – formal agreements on regional economic integration? To answer this question the dominant Eurocentric literature on comparative regionalism is amended with insights from the third worldist literature on African states to develop a new approach for comparative analysis, the ‘Regionalism as Policy Space’ (RPS) framework. This framework models African regionalism as a two-stage game. At the first stage, governments’ interests in regionalism are determined by perceptions of the existence of structural cross-issue linkages connecting implementation of regional agreements with the widening of government policy space. Given such linkages, at the second stage, governments of a region engage in a coordination game to establish the distribution of benefits from integration. Variance in the implementation of regional agreements, then, is explained by variance in the existence of perceived cross-issue linkages (the Benefits Existence Condition) and the ability of participating governments to ease distributional tensions (the Benefits Distribution Condition). Four African customs union case studies - the East African customs union of the 1960s and 70s, the customs union of the East African Community in the 2000s, the customs union of the Economic Community of West African States and the Southern African Customs Union – lend strong empirical support to the RPS framework. The thesis ends with a discussion of the role of hegemons and proposes a series of policy measures aiming to reduce the likelihood of theatre regionalism in Africa.

Esta tese provê um método e modelos de análise geral para o conceito de inserção internacional formulado por Amado Cervo, que têm como objetivo explicar a variação de comportamento e posicionamento dos Estados nas hierarquias globais, a partir das mudanças nas configurações das políticas econômica, externa e de defesa. O objetivo desta tese é explicar quais são os caminhos escolhidos pelos governos de Brasil México para o posicionamento de seus países nas hierarquias globais e quais foram os resultados obtidos no início do século XXI. Três perguntas estabelecem o nexo causal da investigação, i) quais posições querem os Estados e como/o que fazem para atingi-las?; ii) qual é a realidade dos fatos quando da tomada das decisões e de sua implementação (de modo mais simplista: o que está acontecendo nos países e no mundo?); e, iii) quais são os resultados obtidos? Olhamos para três pontos distintos, mas complementares: i) os tipos ideais do que podem fazer os Estados (modelos de inserção), para enquadrar o que fazem; ii) as estratégias de inserção, para entender como fazem e o que fazem; e, iii) os resultados em termos de posição relativa na hierarquia. A investigação se funda numa análise histórica comparada dos determinantes dos modelos de inserção internacional dos países da América Latina a partir do final da Guerra Fria até o fim da primeira metade da segunda década do século XXI (1990-2014), e se utiliza desta base para apoiar generalizações acerca das variações no comportamento dos Estados ao longo das últimas duas décadas e meia. O trabalho contribuiu à extensa tradição de pesquisa cujo objetivo é interpretar as interações entre os Estados, observando-os desde o ambiente em que se inserem e também sob o ponto de vista doméstico. Ademais, nos dirigimos às visões das relações internacionais nascidas na América Latina, levando em conta seus valores, preferências e contingências próprios. / This thesis provides a method and general analysis models for the concept of global positioning introduced by Amado Cervo, whose goal is to explain the variation in States behaviour and their positioning in global hierarchies, considering changes in economic, foreign and defence politics\' configuration. This thesis aims at explaining what are the paths chosen by Brazilian and Mexican governments for positioning their countries in the global hierarchies, and the results obtained at the beginning of the 21st century. Three main questions provide the causal link of this investigation, i) which positions do the States aim for and how/what they do to get them?, ii) what is the reality of the facts when making decisions and implementing them (or put in a simpler way: what is happening in the world?); and, iii) what are the results obtained? We look into three different but complementary issues: i) the ideal types of what States can do (positioning models) to portrait their actions; ii) the positioning strategies, so we can understand how States do it and what they do; and iii) the results on the hierarchy\'s relative position. The investigation is based on a compared historical analysis of the determinants of the global positioning models of Latin America countries from the end of the Cold War until the end of the first half of the second decade of the 21st century (1990-2014), and uses it to support generalizations on the variations on States behaviour during the last two and a half decades. The work contributed to the wide research tradition whose goal is to read the interactions between the States, observing them in the environment in which they are inserted and also through a domestic point of view. Furthermore, we look into international relations insights arisen from Latin America, taking into account its own values, preferences and contingencies.

O Protocolo de Adesão à Organização Mundial do Comércio da China, assinado em dezembro de 2001, permitiu a outros países membros considerarem a China como uma economia \"não de mercado\" até o final de 2016. O objetivo deste trabalho é responder a seguinte pergunta: Pode o Reconhecimento de Economia de Mercado (REM) ser medido em seu compliance? O proxy utilizado parra o compliance foi o número de investigações antidumping iniciadas por país. A expectativa é que os países que reconhecem o status de economia de mercado da China iniciem menos investigações antidumping do que aqueles que ainda tratam a China como uma economia \"não de mercado\". Isso explicaria por que o governo chinês tem feito campanha desde 2001 para ganhar REM entre seus parceiros econômicos. A utilização de modelos de contagem demonstra que o REM teve um impacto positivo na redução do número de investigações antidumping contra produtos chineses. O atual desenvolvimento econômico da China depende muito de seu acesso a recursos energéticos, o que cada vez mais influencía mudanças nos Investimento Direto Estrangeiro (IDE) chinês com a finalidade de possibilitar o acesso a recursos que estão localizados no exterior. O objetivo deste trabalho é responder às seguintes perguntas: Em que medida a procura por recursos energéticos afetou os IDE entre 2005 e 2012? Essa procura foi sensível à locação geográfica dos recursos? Os dados sobre IDE chineses foram obtidos do China Global Investment Tracker, e utilizaram-se determinantes domésticos de IDE, testados empiricamente na literatura existente, para medir o impacto da produção de energia do país anfitrião na alocação de investimentos. Ao aplicar MCO e um modelo com lag espacial em uma amostra de 92 países demostrou-se que os recursos energéticos do país anfitrião foram o principal motor da IDE chinesa, e que não houve sensibilidade geográfica aos recursos. / China´s Protocol of Accession to the World Trade Organization, signed on December 2001, allowed other country members to consider China as a Non Market Economy (NME) until the end of 2016. The aim of this paper is to answer the following question: Can the Market Economy Status (MES) Recognition be measured in its compliance? The proxy used for that compliance was the number of antidumping investigations initiated per country. The expectation is that countries recognizing Chinese MES would initiate fewer antidumping investigations than countries still treating China as a Non Market Economy. This would explain why the Chinese Government has been campaigning vigorously since 2001 to gain MES among its economic partners. Using count-models we demonstrate that MES had a positive impact in reducing the number of antidumping investigations against Chinese products. China´s current economic development depends heavily on its access to energetic resources, and it is increasingly shaping Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) in a quest for gaining access to resources that are located abroad. The aim of this paper is to answer the two following questions: How much did the Chinese global quest for energy drive its OFDI between 2005 and 2012? Has the quest for energy been sensitive to the geographical location of the resources? Data on Chinese OFDI was retrieved from the China Global Investment Tracker, and we used diverse Host-Countries determinants of OFDI tested before in the literature and measured the impact of Host-Country energy production in the allocation of investments. Using OLS and a Spatial Lagged Model we demonstrate that energetic resources were the main driver of Chinese OFDI in 92 host countries during the studied period, and that there was no sensitivity to the geographical location of the resources.

A recente crise financeira global trouxe para o centro do debate internacional o tema da regulação dos mercados de capitais e, com ela, suas diversas qualificações como um fator responsável pela crise. O trabalho tem como foco entender o papel da cooperação internacional em matéria regulatória e, particularmente, a existência de incentivos, preferências, ideias e instituições inerentes à cooperação entre estados. Para tanto, realiza uma análise sistêmica de iniciativas regulatórias tomadas por quatro países entre 2007 e 2011, com o fim de verificar a existência de padrões, modalidades específicas e os caminhos da cooperação na regulação do mercado de capitais. Tendo como gatilho a eclosão da crise financeira global, os principais resultados apontam para um efetivo escrutínio doméstico das recomendações internacionais editadas e, em consequência, uma ampliação do conceito de cooperação regulatória. O que se verifica é que, além das atividades de supervisão e enforcement, emergem iniciativas regulatórias com diversos elementos e formatos comuns, que levam em conta a interação dos determinantes políticos e consequências econômicas advindos desse momentum. / The recent global financial crisis brought to the center of international discussion the debate concerning the regulation of capital markets, including its many variances, as a factor responsible for the crisis. The focus of this work is on the role of international cooperation in regard to regulation, with specific attention given to particular aspects such as the existence of incentives, preferences, ideas, and institutions inherent to cooperation between states. As such, this dissertation will provide a systematic analysis of regulatory initiatives taken by four countries between the years 2007 and 2011. The goal was to verify the existence of patterns, specific models, as well as pathways to cooperation in the regulation of capital markets. The principle results suggest an effective domestic scrutiny of international recommendations driven mostly by the outbreak of the global financial crisis, and as a result a broader concept of what is understood as regulatory cooperation. Besides new measures of supervision and enforcement, the work verified the emergence of regulatory initiatives, with both common elements and formats that take into consideration the interaction of political determinants and economic consequences arising from this momentum.

[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como fatores políticos e institucionais afetam a probabilidade de ocorrência de uma parada brusca de financiamento externo e quais os custos deste evento em termos de bem- estar para o país. Utilizando uma ampla base de dados em painel, o presente trabalho deixa claro que sudden stops geram, além de custos econômicos, elevados custos ao bem-estar nacional. O resultado é robusto frente a outras especificações dinâmicas e indica que uma parada brusca custa ao país 1.25 pontos percentuais de consumo/PIB no ano do evento. Dado o expressivo impacto sobre o bem-estar social, busca-se analisar que fatores aumentam ou diminuem a probabilidade de ocorrência de uma parada brusca nos países. Conclui-se então que variáveis políticas são relevantes para determinar a probabilidade de ocorrência do evento, desde que sejam incluídas neste grupo variáveis que meçam a extensão do poder executivo e da democracia nacional. Variáveis que regulam o processo de transição e a extensão do poder executivo demonstraram ter impactos altamente significantes sobre a probabilidade de ocorrência de uma parada brusca, tanto em termos estatísticos quanto em termos de impacto absoluto. / [en] The main objectives of this dissertation are to analyze how political and institutional factors affect the likelihood of a sudden stop of external financing and to measure the costs of this event in terms of national welfare. After analyzing a wide panel database, we conclude that a sudden stop generates, besides economic effects, high costs to national welfare. The result is robust to other dynamic specifications and is estimated as a fall of 1.25 percentage points of consumption/GDP in the year of the event. This work also makes clear that political variables are relevant to determine the likelihood of a sudden stop since we include variables that measure the extent of executive power and national democracy. Variables that regulate the transitional process and extent of Executive`s power showed high significant statistical and absolute impacts on the probability of an event.

Esse trabalho investiga a questão da desindustrialização da economia brasileira, caracterizada por uma mudança na divisão social do trabalho, na perspectiva das recentes transformações do capitalismo mundial, como a financeirização, a terceirização, a relocalização e a digitalização das atividades econômicas. Essas transformações estruturais do capitalismo, desencadeadas pela crise de acumulação nos anos setenta, constituem a base do processo de globalização econômica. A pesquisa parte da hipótese de que a desindustrialização da economia brasileira não está centrada na sobrevalorização cambial que acompanha a política de estabilização monetária a partir da década de 1990, como tem enfatizado parte da literatura especializada, mas no processo de globalização econômica, que acompanha os deslocamentos dos fluxos de capitais produtivos e financeiros desde a década de 1980. Tendo em vista as dificuldades internas do país durante a “década perdida”, o curso dos investimentos estrangeiros desencadeia a primeira etapa do processo de mudança estrutural da base produtiva nacional. No momento em que o Brasil atravessava uma severa crise de endividamento externo, os investimentos estrangeiros expandiram-se consideravelmente, através da internacionalização produtiva e financeira, em direção aos países que apresentaram estabilidade institucional e macroeconômica, já comprometidos com a liberalização comercial e a desregulamentação dos mercados. A partir da década de 1990, com a liberalização financeira e a abertura comercial, o processo de desindustrialização da economia brasileira avança consideravelmente, através do aprofundamento da financeirização das atividades econômicas e da abrupta intensificação da concorrência interna e externa, causada pela integração econômica ao padrão de acumulação capitalista dos países avançados. Desde então, o país tem observado a consolidação do processo de desindustrialização, impulsionado pela financeirização da riqueza e redistribuição geográfica da indústria em escala global, de acordo com as oportunidades e prerrogativas da acumulação capitalista. Para fundamentar a proposta de pesquisa, o estudo busca identificar e dimensionar as conseqüências desse processo de globalização financeira, produtiva e comercial sobre a estrutura da produção e do emprego na economia brasileira, tendo em vista os interesses estratégicos das empresas transnacionais e geopolíticos dos estados nacionais. / This research investigates the issue of de-industrialization of the Brazilian economy, which is characterized by a change in the social division of labor, from the framework of the recent transformations of world capitalism, as financialization, outsourcing, relocation and the digitization of economic activity. These structural transformations of capitalism, triggered by the accumulation of crisis in the seventies, are the basis of the economic globalization process. This investigation stems from the hypothesis that deindustrialization in Brazil is not based on exchange overvaluation that followed stabilization monetary policy since the 1990s, as suggested by part of the literature on the subject, but rather on the process of economic globalization that followed the movements of both productive and financial capital flows since the 1980s. Given the internal problems of the country during the "lost decade", the direction of foreign investments triggered the first phase of structural change in the national productive structure. By the time that Brazil was going through a severe external debt crisis, foreign investment expanded considerably by the productive and financial internationalization towards those countries that have institutional and macroeconomic stability, already committed to trade liberalization and deregulation of markets. Since the 1990s, along with financial and trade liberalization, the process of deindustrialization in the Brazilian economy spread considerably, through both the financialization of economic activities and abrupt intensification of domestic and foreign competition, caused by the economic integration to the pattern of capitalist accumulation in advanced countries. Since then, the country has seen the consolidation of deindustrialization, prompted both by the financialization of wealth and geographic redistribution of industry on a global scale, according to the opportunities and prerogatives of capitalist accumulation. In support of the proposed research, this study seeks to identify and assess the consequences of financial, productive and commercial globalization on Brazilian economy’s production and employment structure, considering transnational corporations’ strategic interests and national states’ geopolitical interests.

O apoio estatal à expansão de conglomerados econômicos nacionais no exterior não é novidade nos países industrializados. Contudo, somente nas últimas décadas, esse tema tem- -se tornado uma realidade para países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil. No caso brasileiro, em que pese ao fato de que algumas empresas nacionais já haviam iniciado seus processos de internacionalização muito antes do recorte temporal deste trabalho, a novidade recai sobre o papel do Estado como indutor de uma estratégia de apoio à internacionalização de empresas nacionais. As justificativas para empreender um estudo sobre as relações entre segmentos da sociedade e o Estado na estratégia governamental de apoio à internacionalização de empresas nacionais respaldam-se na importância e na notoriedade dessa política durante o Governo Lula e no governo de sua sucessora, a Presidente Dilma Rousseff. Adicionalmente, a criação de instrumentos governamentais de financiamento à internacionalização de empresas brasileiras deu continuidade a um processo de consolidação do aparato institucional de fomento ao comércio exterior brasileiro que vinha estruturando-se em governos anteriores. No contexto dessa estratégia, o Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) atuou como ator central na articulação de interesses da política externa do País e de segmentos do empresariado nacional. Assim, esta tese de doutorado busca analisar os contextos e as razões que levaram o governo do Presidente Lula a adotar a estratégia de apoio estatal à internacionalização de empresas nacionais durante o período de sua administração (2003-10). / The governmental support for the expansion of national economic conglomerates abroad is not new in industrialized countries. However, only in recent decades this issue has become a reality for developing countries like Brazil. In Brazil, despite the fact that some national companies had already started their internationalization processes long before the time frame of this study, the novelty lies in the state’s role as a promoter of a strategy to support the internationalization of Brazilian companies. The reasons for undertaking a study on the links between segments of society and the state in the government’s strategy to support the internationalization of national companies are based on the importance and the notoriety of this policy during Lula’s administration and that of his successor, President Dilma Rousseff. In addition, the creation of government financing instruments for the internationalization of Brazilian companies is part of the consolidation process of an institutional framework to promote Brazilian foreign trade that had been partly structured in previous governments. In the context of this strategy, the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) served as a central actor in orchestrating the interests of the country’s foreign policy and those of private national business groups. Thus, this doctoral dissertation aims to analyze the contexts and the reasons that led the government of President Lula to adopt a state support strategy towards the internationalization of national companies during the period of his administration (2003-2010).