A recente crise financeira global trouxe para o centro do debate internacional o tema da regulação dos mercados de capitais e, com ela, suas diversas qualificações como um fator responsável pela crise. O trabalho tem como foco entender o papel da cooperação internacional em matéria regulatória e, particularmente, a existência de incentivos, preferências, ideias e instituições inerentes à cooperação entre estados. Para tanto, realiza uma análise sistêmica de iniciativas regulatórias tomadas por quatro países entre 2007 e 2011, com o fim de verificar a existência de padrões, modalidades específicas e os caminhos da cooperação na regulação do mercado de capitais. Tendo como gatilho a eclosão da crise financeira global, os principais resultados apontam para um efetivo escrutínio doméstico das recomendações internacionais editadas e, em consequência, uma ampliação do conceito de cooperação regulatória. O que se verifica é que, além das atividades de supervisão e enforcement, emergem iniciativas regulatórias com diversos elementos e formatos comuns, que levam em conta a interação dos determinantes políticos e consequências econômicas advindos desse momentum. / The recent global financial crisis brought to the center of international discussion the debate concerning the regulation of capital markets, including its many variances, as a factor responsible for the crisis. The focus of this work is on the role of international cooperation in regard to regulation, with specific attention given to particular aspects such as the existence of incentives, preferences, ideas, and institutions inherent to cooperation between states. As such, this dissertation will provide a systematic analysis of regulatory initiatives taken by four countries between the years 2007 and 2011. The goal was to verify the existence of patterns, specific models, as well as pathways to cooperation in the regulation of capital markets. The principle results suggest an effective domestic scrutiny of international recommendations driven mostly by the outbreak of the global financial crisis, and as a result a broader concept of what is understood as regulatory cooperation. Besides new measures of supervision and enforcement, the work verified the emergence of regulatory initiatives, with both common elements and formats that take into consideration the interaction of political determinants and economic consequences arising from this momentum.

O Protocolo de Adesão à Organização Mundial do Comércio da China, assinado em dezembro de 2001, permitiu a outros países membros considerarem a China como uma economia \"não de mercado\" até o final de 2016. O objetivo deste trabalho é responder a seguinte pergunta: Pode o Reconhecimento de Economia de Mercado (REM) ser medido em seu compliance? O proxy utilizado parra o compliance foi o número de investigações antidumping iniciadas por país. A expectativa é que os países que reconhecem o status de economia de mercado da China iniciem menos investigações antidumping do que aqueles que ainda tratam a China como uma economia \"não de mercado\". Isso explicaria por que o governo chinês tem feito campanha desde 2001 para ganhar REM entre seus parceiros econômicos. A utilização de modelos de contagem demonstra que o REM teve um impacto positivo na redução do número de investigações antidumping contra produtos chineses. O atual desenvolvimento econômico da China depende muito de seu acesso a recursos energéticos, o que cada vez mais influencía mudanças nos Investimento Direto Estrangeiro (IDE) chinês com a finalidade de possibilitar o acesso a recursos que estão localizados no exterior. O objetivo deste trabalho é responder às seguintes perguntas: Em que medida a procura por recursos energéticos afetou os IDE entre 2005 e 2012? Essa procura foi sensível à locação geográfica dos recursos? Os dados sobre IDE chineses foram obtidos do China Global Investment Tracker, e utilizaram-se determinantes domésticos de IDE, testados empiricamente na literatura existente, para medir o impacto da produção de energia do país anfitrião na alocação de investimentos. Ao aplicar MCO e um modelo com lag espacial em uma amostra de 92 países demostrou-se que os recursos energéticos do país anfitrião foram o principal motor da IDE chinesa, e que não houve sensibilidade geográfica aos recursos. / China´s Protocol of Accession to the World Trade Organization, signed on December 2001, allowed other country members to consider China as a Non Market Economy (NME) until the end of 2016. The aim of this paper is to answer the following question: Can the Market Economy Status (MES) Recognition be measured in its compliance? The proxy used for that compliance was the number of antidumping investigations initiated per country. The expectation is that countries recognizing Chinese MES would initiate fewer antidumping investigations than countries still treating China as a Non Market Economy. This would explain why the Chinese Government has been campaigning vigorously since 2001 to gain MES among its economic partners. Using count-models we demonstrate that MES had a positive impact in reducing the number of antidumping investigations against Chinese products. China´s current economic development depends heavily on its access to energetic resources, and it is increasingly shaping Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) in a quest for gaining access to resources that are located abroad. The aim of this paper is to answer the two following questions: How much did the Chinese global quest for energy drive its OFDI between 2005 and 2012? Has the quest for energy been sensitive to the geographical location of the resources? Data on Chinese OFDI was retrieved from the China Global Investment Tracker, and we used diverse Host-Countries determinants of OFDI tested before in the literature and measured the impact of Host-Country energy production in the allocation of investments. Using OLS and a Spatial Lagged Model we demonstrate that energetic resources were the main driver of Chinese OFDI in 92 host countries during the studied period, and that there was no sensitivity to the geographical location of the resources.

Esta tese provê um método e modelos de análise geral para o conceito de inserção internacional formulado por Amado Cervo, que têm como objetivo explicar a variação de comportamento e posicionamento dos Estados nas hierarquias globais, a partir das mudanças nas configurações das políticas econômica, externa e de defesa. O objetivo desta tese é explicar quais são os caminhos escolhidos pelos governos de Brasil México para o posicionamento de seus países nas hierarquias globais e quais foram os resultados obtidos no início do século XXI. Três perguntas estabelecem o nexo causal da investigação, i) quais posições querem os Estados e como/o que fazem para atingi-las?; ii) qual é a realidade dos fatos quando da tomada das decisões e de sua implementação (de modo mais simplista: o que está acontecendo nos países e no mundo?); e, iii) quais são os resultados obtidos? Olhamos para três pontos distintos, mas complementares: i) os tipos ideais do que podem fazer os Estados (modelos de inserção), para enquadrar o que fazem; ii) as estratégias de inserção, para entender como fazem e o que fazem; e, iii) os resultados em termos de posição relativa na hierarquia. A investigação se funda numa análise histórica comparada dos determinantes dos modelos de inserção internacional dos países da América Latina a partir do final da Guerra Fria até o fim da primeira metade da segunda década do século XXI (1990-2014), e se utiliza desta base para apoiar generalizações acerca das variações no comportamento dos Estados ao longo das últimas duas décadas e meia. O trabalho contribuiu à extensa tradição de pesquisa cujo objetivo é interpretar as interações entre os Estados, observando-os desde o ambiente em que se inserem e também sob o ponto de vista doméstico. Ademais, nos dirigimos às visões das relações internacionais nascidas na América Latina, levando em conta seus valores, preferências e contingências próprios. / This thesis provides a method and general analysis models for the concept of global positioning introduced by Amado Cervo, whose goal is to explain the variation in States behaviour and their positioning in global hierarchies, considering changes in economic, foreign and defence politics\' configuration. This thesis aims at explaining what are the paths chosen by Brazilian and Mexican governments for positioning their countries in the global hierarchies, and the results obtained at the beginning of the 21st century. Three main questions provide the causal link of this investigation, i) which positions do the States aim for and how/what they do to get them?, ii) what is the reality of the facts when making decisions and implementing them (or put in a simpler way: what is happening in the world?); and, iii) what are the results obtained? We look into three different but complementary issues: i) the ideal types of what States can do (positioning models) to portrait their actions; ii) the positioning strategies, so we can understand how States do it and what they do; and iii) the results on the hierarchy\'s relative position. The investigation is based on a compared historical analysis of the determinants of the global positioning models of Latin America countries from the end of the Cold War until the end of the first half of the second decade of the 21st century (1990-2014), and uses it to support generalizations on the variations on States behaviour during the last two and a half decades. The work contributed to the wide research tradition whose goal is to read the interactions between the States, observing them in the environment in which they are inserted and also through a domestic point of view. Furthermore, we look into international relations insights arisen from Latin America, taking into account its own values, preferences and contingencies.

This thesis examines how food sovereignty has been conceptualized by the Indonesian peasant union, Serikat Petani Indonesia, and how this framing has been affected by the transnational food sovereignty movement and national ideology of food self-sufficiency in Indonesia. This thesis will analyze how food sovereignty is conceptualized in the document Vision for Food Sovereignty 2014-2024 released by Serikat Petani Indonesia. The analysis will be conducted through a critical discourse analysis. Critical discourse analysis will account for both the theory and method, however the theory will be synthesized through FRT. The analysis will look at the food sovereignty discourse in its larger historical context. This thesis finds that while food sovereignty has traveled transnationally through the food sovereignty movement as a counter-hegemonic concept that propagate support for peasant farmers and their control for land and resources, in the Vision for Food Sovereignty 2014-2024 document, food sovereignty is framed as food sovereignty for Indonesia, the country. This means that the ability for peasants to mobilize food sovereignty in Indonesia for the purpose of supporting the control of land and recourses is diminished. Thus, food sovereignty has been co-opted and reproduced in the hegemonic relations between farmers, corporations and the state.

No description available.

[pt] O aumento no número de aquisições internacionais de terras nas últimas duas décadas motiva pesquisas sobre os atores envolvidos neste processo e responsáveis por esta intensificação. Nesta dissertação, é analisado o papel do Estado na criação das condições de possibilidade para as aquisições internacionais de terras, a partir de um estudo de caso, o Etíope. São examinados os mecanismos e regulações criados pelo Estado, o contexto histórico e internacional para sua atuação, e as finalidades econômicas e políticas para as mesmas, a partir de um referencial teórico baseado no conceito de acumulação por espoliação elaborado por David Harvey. / [en] The increase in the number of international land acquisitions in the last two decades calls for research on the actors involved in this process and responsible for this intensification. In this dissertation, the role of the State in creating the conditions for these acquisitions is examined through a case study, Ethiopia. Mechanisms and regulations created by the State are analyzed, along with the local historical and international context for the State s policies and its political and economic aims, with the deployment of a theoretical framework based on the concept of accumulation by dispossession as developed by David Harvey.

This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.

[pt] A dissertação analisa o processo de construção social do Refugiado em dois momentos históricos específicos da segunda metade do século XX: entre 1945- 1954 e no pós-Guerra Fria. O objetivo central é mostrar como as práticas discursivas relativas ao Refugiado são informadas pelas estruturas constitucionais da sociedade internacional e pelas crenças e valores fundamentais que definem os critérios de legitimidade da ação estatal. Procura evidenciar o caráter contingente e variável da definição do Refugiado em dois contextos de transformação da ordem internacional. A pesquisa parte da abordagem construtivista, assentada na proposta de Reus-Smit (1999) e de Onuf (1989), na tentativa de fornecer uma explicação mais adequada dos processos sociais de constituição do Refugiado na moderna sociedade de Estados, enfatizando o papel das organizações internacionais, em especial do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Refugiados (ACNUR). Neste sentido, ressalta a importância da territorialidade e do imaginário espacial enquanto critérios centrais para a delimitação dos fenômenos migratórios forçados, critérios esses tensionados a partir da década de noventa. / [en] The dissertation s main purpose is to analyze the process of social construction of the Refugee in two specific historical moments in the second half of the twentieth century: from 1945 to 1954 and after the end of the Cold War. The main goal is to demonstrate how discursive practices related to the refugee are informed by the constitutional structures of international society and by the fundamental values and beliefs that legitimate state action. It also aims at showing the contingent and changing nature of the refugee definition in contexts of profound transformations in international orders. The research is based on a constructivist approach, mainly in Reus-Smit (1999) and Onuf s (1989) frameworks, in an attempt to provide a more adequate understanding of the social processes constitutive of the refugee in the modern society of States, highlighting the role of international organizations, in particular the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In that sense, it gives emphasis to the primary importance attached to territoriality and the spatial imagery as fundamental criteria to establishing the limits of forced international migration, a criteria that has faced great challenges since the nineties.

Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.

清潔發展機制作為京都議定書中的一種彈性機制，普遍被認為將為溫室氣體排放減量所引起的「環境保護─經濟發展」與「北─南」衝突帶來雙贏的結果。支持者認為，其為附件一締約方提供達成溫室氣體減排經濟成本較低的方法，也同時為非附件一締約方引進資金與技術。然而，本研究運用國際政治經濟學的分析，提出因為各自要素禀賦的不同，清潔發展機制實行後的利弊損益將不會公平的分配於清潔發展機制項目的投資方與東道方間，因而導致某些負面的效果：其將阻礙投資方境內減排措施的推動，與導致東道方在技術上的依賴。而透過對投資方與東道方內部排放權提供者與技術研發者間互動的分析，再輔以中國與EU-15的實證資料，可以證實本研究的假設並較為清楚地說明其背後之原因。最後，本研究將討論中國政府與EU-15各自如何以政治力介入市場機制的運作，以試圖處理這樣市場機制運作所導致的弊病。 / Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) as a Kyoto flexible mechanism was believed to provide a win-win solution to the conflicts, which result from cutting down greenhouse gas emissions, between wheather ecology & economy or North & South. The proponents believe the implementation of CDM is cost-efficient for the Annex I Parties to achieve their Kyoto commitments and can also introduce capital & technology into the non-Annex I Parties. However, by international political economic analysis, the difference in factors endowments between CDM invest parties and host parties will result in unequal distribution of gains & pays between them. This causes some negative effects: CDM will deter the implementation of domestic emissions reduction in the invest parties, and it will also make technological dependence in the host parties. Through analyzing the interactions between emission allowance providers & technology innovators in the invest & host parties and with empirical data from China & EU-15, the assumptions of this study is proved and the causation is clarified. At last, the governmental interventions, which are trying to modify the negative effects result from the operation of market mechanism, by China and EU-15 are brought into discuss perspectively.