This thesis explores the historical imaginations exhibited by the key political architects of the Northern Ireland Peace Process: Gerry Adams, John Hume and David Trimble. It compares and contrasts ways in which each has engaged the ideological resource of history throughout their respective biographies, exploring the various visions of history, both Irish and otherwise, that have intrigued them, and the environments and experiences that moulded their view of the past. Exploiting a wide range of archival sources, along with original interviews and conversations with the ‘peacemakers’ themselves, it considers how Adams, Hume and Trimble learnt about history; how they subsequently imagined and wrote about it, and how they ultimately applied it within their influential political thinking. It is a study of the relationship between historical and political imagination, delivering fresh and revealing intellectual profiles of the ‘peacemakers’. Significantly, it demonstrates how ideas and visions of history, commonly perceived as somehow to blame for conflict in Northern Ireland, were put to positive use by Adams, Hume and Trimble. It therefore considers how visions of history contributed to the ideological evolution of peace and political stability on the island.

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Economia / Master in Economics / The relevance of foreign direct investment (FDI) (UNCTAD, 2007) is recognised by a vast body of literature. However, until recently most studies and policy-making initiatives were focused on the mere magnitude of FDI inflows (i.e. the quantity), neglecting the quality of these investments. Recent literature on subsidiaries roles and evolution is shedding light on the asymmetric quality of multinationals (MNEs) operations, hence helping to understand their differentiated impact on host economies. This dissertation contributes to this literature by investigating empirically the quality of foreign subsidiaries activities located in Ireland and Portugal. Using data from a purposely designed questionnaire survey, the following questions will be analysed. First, which characteristics of multinational subsidiaries are conducive to innovation? This study will consider the impact of age, education and R&D intensities, among other characteristics, on innovation. This question will be analysed using a probit model. Second, do foreign subsidiaries based in Ireland and Portugal differ in a systematic way with regard to these characteristics and with regard to the motivations that led to their establishment? This question will be studied using nonparametric methods. The empirical results (first application) corroborate the hypotheses that age, education and R&D intensities of the subsidiary impact positively on innovation. The results are consistent with previous studies that emphasise the time dependent aspect of multinational subsidiaries evolution (Young, Hood and Peters, 1994; Birkinshaw and Hood, 1997, 1998) and those that highlight the importance of human capital (Bartel and Lichtenberg, 1987; Narula and Marin, 2003) and R&D activities (Cohen and Levinthal, 1989, 1990) for technology absorption and creation. It was also found (the second empirical application) that the asset-seeking motivation played a more important role in attracting investors to Ireland than to Portugal and that subsidiaries based in Ireland tend to display greater education and R&D intensities than those based in Portugal.

Né à Belfast en 1941, Stewart Parker débuta sa carrière dans les années 70. A sa mort en 1988, il laissa une œuvre très dense, comprenant des pièces pour la scène, ainsi que des pièces pour la radio et la télévision. Bien qu’il soit aujourd’hui reconnu comme un des dramaturges les plus importants de sa génération, son œuvre n’est que rarement abordée dans les cercles académiques et aucune étude exhaustive sur son théâtre n’a pour le moment été publiée. Cette étude porte sur le thème de la quête identitaire dans ses pièces pour la scène. Tout d’abord, elle explore sa quête d’identité en tant qu’écrivain. Bien qu’il fut né et élevé au sein de la communauté protestante nord-irlandaise, il ne cessa de clamer son appartenance à une large tradition théâtrale anglo-irlandaise. Cette thèse vise à montrer comment Parker, confronté à la crise nord-irlandaise, chercha à réinventer complètement le théâtre, en faisant émerger de nouveaux modèles de représentation. Elle explore comment tout en affirmant ne pas écrire du théâtre politique, il croyait en le pouvoir du théâtre à faire naître une prise de conscience collective. Enfin, cette étude étudie la quête identitaire à l’échelle individuelle et collective dans ses pièces. Conscient de l’enjeu de la question identitaire en Irlande du Nord, il fut un des premiers dramaturges à ouvertement interroger et subvertir la notion unioniste d’une identité protestante nord-irlandaise unique et distincte. Cette thèse montre comment, en rejetant l’opposition traditionnelle entre catholiques et protestants, il chercha à construire un modèle d’unité sur la scène, qui amènerait finalement les Nord-Irlandais à reconnaître leur identité commune. / Born in 1941 in East Belfast, Stewart Parker came to prominence as a playwright in the 1970s. When he died in 1988, he left behind him an impressive body of work which included stage plays, radio plays and screenplays. Although he came to be recognized as one of the leading theatrical stylists of his generation, his work has received little attention in academic circles and no comprehensive study has been published yet. This study looks into the quest for identity in his stage plays. First, it explores his quest for identity as a writer who was born and raised in the Northern-Irish Protestant community, but always claimed to belong to a wider Anglo-Irish theatrical tradition. This thesis seeks to show how Parker, faced with the Northern Irish crisis, committed himself to reinventing theatre all over again with new ways of showing. It also explores his quest for identity as a playwright, who claimed to be non-political, but nevertheless believed firmly in the power of drama to change perceptions, and wrote extensively about the responsibility of the artist to his own people in a time of crisis. Finally, this thesis explores the quest for individual and collective identity in his plays. Aware of the stake of the question of identity in Northern Ireland, he was the first playwright to overtly question and subvert the Unionist notion of a singular Ulster Protestant identity. This thesis shows how, rejecting the traditional binary opposition between Catholics and Protestants, British and Irish, republican and loyalist, he was devoted to create a model of wholeness on stage that would finally lead the people of Northern Ireland to acknowledge their common identity.

Ce travail de recherche explore le rôle de la personnalité de Jacques II dans son insuccès en tant que roi en Angleterre en 1688 et en Irlande en 1690. Il a pour objectif de montrer que son échec dans les deux pays n'est pas uniquement le résultat de situations religieuse, politique et économique très complexes qui sont déstabilisées à l'arrivée d'un roi catholique sur le trône, mais aussi le résultat d'une personnalité inapte aux fonctions royales. Dans un premier temps, nous avons analysé le contexte religieux, politique et économique dans lequel s'inscrit le début du règne de Jacques II en 1685. Notre objectif était de comprendre la nature des enjeux et des tensions dans les deux pays avant son arrivée au pouvoir pour déterminer à quel point sa gouvernance était vouée, ou non, à un échec. Malgré l'existence de nombreux facteurs indéniablement défavorables, la présence d'éléments tout aussi importants permettant de stabiliser et même de renforcer son autorité et ses soutiens en début de règne nous a montré que les raisons de l'échec de Jacques II doivent aussi trouver des réponses dans la psychologie du personnage. Par conséquent, nous avons entrepris une analyse psychologique de Jacques II pour définir ses traits les plus caractéristiques et comprendre si ces derniers le rendaient apte à assumer la fonction royale. Nous avons découvert que l'échec du règne de Jacques II est en grande partie celui d'un homme qui, non seulement n'était pas fait pour être roi mais, de surcroît, était enfermé dans des principes personnels très rigides qui plaçaient ses décisions presque systématiquement en décalage avec les attentes de ses alliés principaux en Angleterre et en Irlande. / This dissertation explores the role of James II's personality in his failures as King of England in 1688 and of Ireland in 1690. Its mains objective is to show that his setbacks in these two countries do not only originate from very complex religious, political and economic situations which became destabilized when a catholic King ascended the throne, but were also the result of a personality lacking leadership qualities. First of all, we studied the religious, political and economic contex in which James II became King in 1685. Our goal was to understand the issues and tensions at stake in the two countries before James II's enthronement to determine to what extent his governance had been doomed to failure or not. Despite many adverse situations, the presence of equally important elements to stabilize and even strengthen his authority and his supports at the beginning of his reign showed us that the reasons for the failure of King James II were also likely to be related to his psychology. Consequently we undertook a psychological analysis of James II in order to find out more about his most characteristic features and understand if they were compatible with his royal office. We found that the failure of King James II's reign was that of a man who was not only poorly adequate for kindship, but who, in addition, was stuck in personal values which made him make decisions which were most frequently at odds with the demands of his key allies in England and Ireland.

La thèse étudie la manière dont des écoles primaires confessionnelles irlandaises, majoritairement catholiques, accueillent des enfants appartenant à des groupes minoritaires, notamment immigrés, et l’influence des directives interculturelles officielles sur cet accueil et sur l’enseignement du programme. Elle se fonde pour ce faire sur quatre études de cas d’écoles primaires irlandaises, trois catholiques et une anglicane d’Irlande. / The thesis focuses on the way that Irish denominational primary schools, mostly Catholic, deal with minority children, particularly immigrants, and on the influence that official intercultural guidelines have had on the way these schools deal with minority children and the way the curriculum is taught. It is based on case studies of four primary schools, three Catholic and one Church of Ireland.

Partant des années du tigre celtique, la croissance économique remarquable de l’Irlande et les inégalités existantes dans son sillage, cette thèse tente de réévaluer la question des inégalités contemporaines dans les sociétés modernes en s’intéressant au cas irlandais entre 1922 et 2002. Dans quelle mesure les inégalités existaient-elles avant l’avènement du tigre celtique ? Quelles étaient les attitudes irlandaises vis-à-vis des inégalités et comment celles-ci ont-elles évolué ? Les Irlandais se préoccupent-ils de l’égalité ? À partir d’une analyse économique, sociale, historique et politique fondée sur des recherches comparatives portant sur le développement des systèmes d’État providence et le degré plus ou moins redistributif de leurs politiques, ainsi que des réflexions portant sur les inégalités et la justice dans nos sociétés, cette thèse a pour objectif de montrer que les inégalités actuelles en Irlande peuvent être mieux appréhendées lorsqu’elles sont considérées sous l’angle d’une incapacité à créer une société plus juste à partir de 1922. Selon l’auteur, trois séries particulières de facteurs, les facteurs démographiques et économiques, les facteurs politiques et les mentalités irlandaises, ont, en profonde interaction les uns avec les autres, établi un cadre puissant qui a empêché l’avènement d’une société plus juste entre 1922 et 2002. / Beginning with the Celtic Tiger years, Ireland’s remarkable economic growth and the inequalities existing in its wake, this PhD tries to re-assess the issue of contemporary inequalities in modern societies emphasising the Irish case from 1922 to 2002. To what extent did inequalities exist in Ireland prior to the advent of the Celtic Tiger? What were Irish attitudes to inequalities and how have they evolved? Do Irish people care about equality? Based on an economic, social, historical and political analysis resting on recent comparative studies of the development of welfare state systems and the varying extents of their redistributive agendas as well as on reflections on inequalities and fairness in our societies, this thesis aims to show that current inequalities in Ireland can best be understood in the light of an inability to create a more just society from 1922 onwards. The author argues that three particular sets of factors, demographic and economic factors, political factors, and Irish mentalités have, in close interaction with one another, provided a strong framework which has prevented the advent of a more just society between 1922 and 2002.

Les débuts du mouvement Sinn Féin (avant 1916) ont été présentés par des générations d’historiens comme ceux d’un petit parti politique sans succès qui eut un impact disproportionné sur le paysage politique de l’époque. Cette vision, cependant, ne représente que la partie visible de l’iceberg. A l’aide des comptes rendus des réunions de la Sinn Féin Printing and Publishing Company, qui imprima la plus grande partie de la propagande du Sinn Féin, cette étude remet en question l’historiographie conventionnelle. En examinant la production matérielle de la SFPP, nous tentons de mettre à jour ce projet dynamique soutenu par des hommes d’affaires dublinois, des fonctionnaires et des employés de bureau, ainsi que par l’expertise de professionnels de l’imprimerie et de juristes pendant une période de changements profonds à la fois dans l’industrie de la presse mais aussi dans la société irlandaise. Le portrait du Sinn Féin qui en ressort n’est pas celui d’un parti marginal mais plutôt celui d’un réseau international de militants connectés entre eux uniquement par les journaux qu’ils lisaient et travaillant tous individuellement à l’indépendance de l’Irlande. / The early Sinn Féin movement (before 1916) has been represented by generations of historias as a small and unsuccessful political party which had a disproportionate impact on the political landscape of its time. This, however, is only the tip of the iceberg. Using the minutes of the meetings of the Sinn Féin Printing and Publishing Company,which printed the vast majority of Sinn Féin’s propaganda, this study challenges conventional historiography. Focusing on the material production of the SFPP it exposes a dynamic project supported by sympathetic Dublin tradesmen, public officials and clerical workers, and by the expertise of printing professionals and lawyers during a period of profound change both in the newspaper industry and in Irish society. The picture of Sinn Féin which emerges is not of a marginal party but rather of an international network of militant readers connected only by the newspapers they read and all working as individuals towards an independent Ireland.

Ce travail analyse les enjeux et les modalités de résurgence de l’héritage classique dans la poésie de Louis MacNeice, Derek Mahon, Seamus Heaney, Michael Longley et Tom Paulin. Des années 1930 au début du XXIe siècle, la poésie nord-irlandaise se réapproprie les grands genres de la littérature et de la pensée grecques, à travers une fragmentation du modèle épique notamment, et la réécriture et la modernisation d’oeuvres de théâtre. Ainsi, des textes canoniques tels que l’Odyssée d’Homère ou les tragédies de Sophocle, d’Euripide et d’Eschyle, deviennent les filtres au travers desquels les poètes élaborent leur vision du contemporain. Une poésie centrée sur le présent se construit alors, en suivant ou en renversant les règles aristotéliciennes de la composition poétique, et en revisitant des notions essentielles de la philosophie grecque, tel que l’energeia d’Aristote par exemple. La place de l’héritage classique, de la méthode mythique à la traduction, interroge les fondements de la création poétique et des rapports entre le poète, la société dans laquelle il vit, et le temps. L’insertion de ces poètes dans un contexte souvent violent, à l’aube de la Seconde Guerre mondiale pour MacNeice et dans les années les plus sanglantes des Troubles nord-irlandais pour les autres poètes, nourrit un questionnement sur les liens entre histoire et poésie. Ceux-ci sont explorés dans le renouveau des méthodes historiographiques des pères de l’Histoire, Hérodote et Thucydide. Leur usage primordial du témoignage oculaire notamment bénéficie d’un renouveau poétique d’une grande diversité. / This thesis explores the diverse aspects of the renewal of the classics in the poetry of Louis MacNeice, Derek Mahon, Seamus Heaney, Michael Longley and Tom Paulin. From the 1930s to the beginning of the XXIst century, Northern-Irish poetry has fruitfully tackled the most prominent genres of Greek literature and thought, through for instance a fragmentation of the epic model, as well as the rewriting and modernization of Greek drama. Canonical texts such as Homer’s Odyssey, Sophocles’, Euripides’ and Aeschylus’ tragedies are the filters which allow these poets to envision their contemporary circumstances. A poetry for the present, concerned with temporality, which either exemplifies or rejects Aristotle’s rules of poetic composition, is thus enacted and revisits central notions from Greek philosophy, as for instance Aristotle’s energeia. The status of the classical heritage, from the mythical method to translation, questions the very basis of poetic creation and redefines the link between the poet and his society. On the eve of the Second World War for MacNeice and during the bloodiest years of the Troubles for the other poets, particularly violent contexts blur the frontier between poetry and history. Both interact in the poets’ interest in Greek historiography, specifically in Herodotus’ and Thucydides’ sole reliability on visual testimony, which triggers very diverse poetic incarnations.

On June 19, 1647 Ireland's Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis of Ormond, unconditionally surrendered the city of Dublin to the parliament of England. Ormond's biographer, Thomas Carte, records that in January of this year the marquis received a private dispatch clearly indicating Charles I’s pleasure -- if it were impossible to hold Dublin and the other royalist garrisons in his name they were to be surrendered to the English rather than the Irish. The loss of the major royalist stronghold in Ireland proved, in effect, to be the turning point of the war in that kingdom; its loss has given Ormond’s political character its most ugly stain. In the opinion of his unsympathetic contemporaries, Ormond had traitorously betrayed Ireland; he surrendered Dublin to the parliamentarians in overt opposition to the king’s wish that he ally with the Confederate Irish. The fact, however, remains; Dublin could not be held for the king. Ormond choose what he considered the lesser of two evils. James Butler, created Duke of Ormond by Charles II in 1661, was born in Clerkenwell England in 1610. His parents were Catholics, but upon the death of his father in 1619 he became a ward of the courts. His education, therefore, was thoroughly Protestant; never in his adult life did Ormond deviate from his constancy to the Protestant English interest in Ireland. He was Irish by descent, but he claimed to be English by birth, extraction, and choice. Though he was considered to be the “terror of the Irish” by the Celtic population the Anglo-Irish hailed the Lord Lieutenant as the “Great Ormond” and “the jewel of the kingdom;” he was the flower of his age and the Butler family. Ormond, although unsympathetic to Irish Catholicism, was one of the most competent governors in over seven hundred years of English rule in Ireland. It was the lung's cause for which he labored; the interests of Catholic Ireland were of secondary importance. This study is intended neither to exonerate nor excoriate James Butler; it is an attempt to give proper perspective to the role he played as a staunch royalist in that decisive period of Irish history between the rebellion of 1641 and the Cromwellian conquest. Thomas Carte's biography of Ormond served as an invaluable source for information on Ormond's role in Irish affairs 1641-1650 and for an account of the Protestant and royalist aide of the war. The letters and papers contained in the last two volumes provide all the necessary materials for an account of Ormond's role in public affairs. Carte's references to his subject's personal life were derived from consulting with the Bishop of Worcester who spent several years with Ormond's family, and from a manuscript written by Sir Robert Southwell. A second authority for an account of Ormond's role in the royalist struggle in Ireland is the H. M. C. Ormonde MSS Volumes 1 and 2 New Series, containing Ormond's correspondence relating to Ireland from 1641-1650 and the letters of the Irish Lords Justices, were particularly pertinent to this study. An Aphorismical Discovery of Treasonable Faction and Richard Belling's History of the Irish Confederation and the war in Ireland, the primary sources dealing with Catholic Ireland's stand in the Irish war, were unavailable for examination. It was therefore necessary to rely upon the scholarship of Thomas L. Coonan and his book Irish Catholic Confederacy and the Puritan Revolution. Coonan expresses nothing but disdain for the Marquis of Ormond, but his comprehensive history of the Irish Confederacy provided a valuable source of materials untouched by Carte.