The present dissertation deals with self-representation in a corpus consisting of narrative texts about the exile from Chile, Uruguay and Argentina, that reached Sweden during the 1970s and 1980s. The first part of the analysis focuses on the representation of discursive borders that enclose identity in exile in categories based on gender and ethnicity. The second part focuses on exile subjectivity as situated in a discursive framework of space and time, where the centre of attention is on how the legacies of memories from the political oppression during the dictatorship in the exile’s past inhibit the inclusion of these memories in a pedagogical discourse of the self. The corpus of narrative texts that are analysed consists of novels and short stories in Spanish. Latin American exile in Sweden is a central theme and can therefore be considered as part of the historical contextual framework that surrounds the discourse of Latin American exile identity in Sweden. The analysis is not focused on the authors’ individual experiences of exile, since a point of departure in the dissertation is an immanency between the author’s biography and the narrative text. The object of study is the identity as constructed in the text itself against the backdrop of Latin American exile and immigration in Sweden. The theoretical framework applied mostly derives from poststructural and postcolonial criticism and concerns identity as relational between self and other, as well as culturally and discursively constructed. The analysis of the corpus texts is based on a conception of gender identity as relational and intersectional with identities connected to ethnicity and social class. It also takes as a starting point the assumption that the notion of exile identity is rendered from a male norm, based on the traditional association between national politics and male rationality. Another point of departure is a notion of permeability between exile and immigrant identity, of which the former is conceived as linked to discourses of political rationality and the latter to those of corporality and materiality. The analysis focuses on the way both exile and immigrant identities are represented as constituent parts of exile self in narratives. For the reading of texts that illustrate exile subjectivity as a dislocation in space and time, the theoretical framework is based on Foucault’s notions of heterochronia and heterotopia. The analysis aims to highlight the representation of heterochronic divisions in the texts, between memories of the past and the present in exile. This representation departs from the notion of modern subjectivity as a pedagogical discourse of the self that is rendered as a narrative of the proper life. In some texts, this pedagogy of the self is represented as interrupted in exile by the suppression of memories of political oppression during the dictatorships in the exiles’ countries of origin, such as those of imprisonment, torture and violence. The analysis also focuses on the representation of strategies the individual employs to accomplish the performance of a coherent self in exile.

Aufbauend auf neuen Zugängen zu der Ende der 1970er Jahren entstandenen Regulationstheorie, die die Strukturen und Prozesse kapitalistischer Funktionsweise mit Elementen von Akkumulationsregimen, Regulation und Krise erklärt, werden von der Autorin sowohl der klassische Zugang als auch dessen Adaptionen auf verschiedene andere sozialwissenschaftliche Theorieansätze - wie z. B. dem Neo-Gramscianismus - kritisch hinterfragt. Aus dem Blickwinkel der Entwicklungsforschung und unter Hinzuziehung verschiedener Beispiele gegenwärtiger gesellschaftlicher Transformationsprozesse und emanzipatorischer Experimente in Lateinamerika wird aufgezeigt, dass die Regulationstheorie nach wie vor eine wertvolle Analysegrundlage für den gegenwärtigen Kapitalismus darstellt, jedoch einer Schwerpunktverlagerung bedarf. / By building on new approaches to regulation theory, that emerged in the late 1970s and explained the functioning of capitalist structures and processes through accumulation regimes, regulation, and crisis, the author critically questions the classical approach as well as its adaptation to various other social science theory approaches, such as the neo-Gramscian. From the perspective of development research and by considering different examples of contemporary processes of social transformation and emancipatory experiments in Latin America, the author points out that regulation theory remains a valuable basis for analysing contemporary capitalism; however, a shift of emphasis is necessary.

In order to analyze the potential of a relationship between terrorist groups and state violence, this paper analyzes two case studies from Latin America - that of Sendero Luminoso, in Peru, and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (the FARC), in Colombia – and two cases from the Middle East and North Africa – that of al-Jama’a al-Islamiyya in Egypt and Muqtada al-Sadr’s Mehdi Army in Iraq. After a review of the cases and general literature on regime violence and terrorism around the world, this paper proposes a likely correlation between an increase in state violence and an escalation in the use of terrorism. The paper proposes that this correlation occurs because state violence inspires feelings of revenge among opposition groups and citizens, increases the popularity of guerrillas, decreases the popularity and legitimacy of the state, and promotes the perception that violence is both an acceptable political tool and the only option for opposition groups seeking a political voice. The findings of this study indicate that policy makers should reconsider their use of violent, repressive responses to political opposition, and should refrain from “fighting fire with fire” in order to take steps towards the eradication of terrorism around the world.

This paper explores the relationship between presidential elections and sovereign credit default swap (CDS) returns, as well as, equity returns in the Latin American countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico. In particular, this paper tests whether or not presidential elections, which potentially represent political uncertainty and risk, affect sovereign CDS returns. I also analyze stock returns during the elections of each country to establish benchmarks that I compare to the CDS returns. Specifically, I evaluate the movement of CDS and equity adjusted returns (i.e. returns measured as deviations from average returns) over 7 presidential elections from 2005 to 2011. The baseline panel regression did not find statistical significance in the dummy election coefficients, but did find significance in the equity intercept coefficient at the 10 percent level. This result suggests that, on average, adjusted equity returns were higher during election periods than adjusted equity returns outside of election periods. I discuss the implications of these results later in the paper.

Carbon-based forestry (CBF) projects for the carbon market have been proposed with the aim of mitigating climate change, enhancing forest cover and improving livelihoods in developing countries. Debate has ensued regarding the validity of applying market-based mechanisms to climate mitigation in the form of CBF activities. Through in-depth interviews and focus groups, this study explores the various stakeholders’ involvement in the development of CBF projects in the Peruvian Amazon and reveals how their interests influence the types of activities that are established. Farmers’ perceptions on the carbon trade are examined and it is demonstrated that the potential of earning a carbon credit may influence farmers’ current land management practices in favor for implementing reforestation or agroforestry systems on their terrain. Regardless, the number of obstacles and the preferences of stakeholders significantly limit the ability of small-scale farmers to access and benefit from the emerging market.

Carbon-based forestry (CBF) projects for the carbon market have been proposed with the aim of mitigating climate change, enhancing forest cover and improving livelihoods in developing countries. Debate has ensued regarding the validity of applying market-based mechanisms to climate mitigation in the form of CBF activities. Through in-depth interviews and focus groups, this study explores the various stakeholders’ involvement in the development of CBF projects in the Peruvian Amazon and reveals how their interests influence the types of activities that are established. Farmers’ perceptions on the carbon trade are examined and it is demonstrated that the potential of earning a carbon credit may influence farmers’ current land management practices in favor for implementing reforestation or agroforestry systems on their terrain. Regardless, the number of obstacles and the preferences of stakeholders significantly limit the ability of small-scale farmers to access and benefit from the emerging market.

Why has the United States frequently intervened in the affairs of Latin American governments? How have the motivations changed over time, and how have they stayed the same? Are American Presidents more motivated by economic or political threats to hegemony? What methods has the United States used to maintain its dominance over the Western Hemisphere, and how have they changed? This paper seeks to address all of these questions, using a full historical examination as well as the case study of Salvador Allende's Chile. Drawing upon numerous scholars' work as well as individual research and investigation, this paper seeks to prove the following hypotheses: Since the creation of the Monroe Doctrine, which marked America’s entry into regional foreign affairs as a major player, the United States has acted upon a self-created moral imperative and entitlement to dominate the Americas. The motivation behind the indispensable maintenance of hegemony is as much symbolic as concrete. Many factors such as the threat of communism or European influence have been used as justification for American meddling. In fact, the main motivations are economic control of the hemisphere and the perception of American ideological supremacy among Latin American people (most importantly political leaders), not the spread of democracy or the promotion of human rights. Earlier in the United States' history, military intervention was more commonly used to achieve the aforementioned goals. With the onset of the Cold War, covert operations, equally potent, became increasingly prevalent. The following chapters present a story of the United States constantly positioning itself to be in the sole position of dominance (economic, political, and ideological) in the region of the Americas.

La influencia española y latinoamericana es muy evidente en el NBA. Hay muchos jugadores de América Latina y España que cambiaron la liga. El éxito de jugadores de América Latina y España ha aumentado el número de aficionados latinos y españoles en todo el mundo, y por eso el NBA está cambiando de una perspectiva de mercadeo y de negocios para globalizar la liga.

Reliable access to potable water is one of the most important building blocks for developing countries. Clean drinking water not only helps people break free of the cycle of poverty, but fulfilling basic health needs allows communities to address long-term development goals and improve their quality of life. Although the Millennium Development Goals aimed to halve the number of households lacking access to clean drinking water by 2015, many countries around the world still struggle to improve water coverage to their poorest citizens. Latin America is no exception, and despite being one of the most water-rich regions in the world, over 50 million people still lack access to reliable potable water. In a case study of Mexico City, this paper analyzes the trends of decentralization, privatization, and water management reform characteristic of Latin America, as well as their effects on universal water coverage. The analysis reveals that not only is privatization not a prerequisite characteristic of successful water resource management, but that local governments may be equally successful at expanding their water networks through the implementation of tariff reform, output-based aid, and increased public participation.

This paper investigates how Latin America and its cultures are represented in textbooks on Spanish as a foreign language. The study aims at investigating how much attention and of what type is dedicated to Latin America in the investigated material, whether the textbooks contribute to giving a varied and nuanced image of the Spanish-American cultures and how this relates to the educational goal of promoting an intercultural competence.A qualitative method of analysis has been applied in order to carry out the analysis of three textbooks for intermediate levels of language studies: Caminando 3, Alegria and De acuerdo.The results of the investigation show that the investigated textbooks mostly present a simplified, ethnocentric, homogenized and sometimes postcolonial image of the Spanish-American cultures. Texts where the culture constitutes the context and not the subject can promote a process of identification and consequently an intercultural competence.The study’s main conclusions show that Spanish-American cultures are underrepresented in the investigated material and that a non-native perspective dominates in the majority of the texts. This combined with the lack of variety and profundity, may have consequences for the promotion of an intercultural competence and for teachers’ work with textbooks and cultural content.