The system of military service in competent decades of our country, always little people smell , under the pressure of the annual general presidential election of today (93 ), have become the alliance candidate out of office and fought for the letting go of the ballot? . We do not think that so great and complicated a problem should become chips of the election war , do not agree in making the question excessively simple even more. But this piece think naturally decades in the past, even sacred and inviolable system serve the mesa, exactly one best chance overall to deep discussion and analyze their. The cost tries calculating and analyzing the research in accordance with this' enlisting persons for service in the armed forces, sought the military system and changed into a mercenary system, calculate for NT$30,000 in accordance with the monthly firewood of each person while simplifying to 340,000-300,000 people in troops of our country, the annual military spending increases by NT$47,610 million and NT$23,370 million; And by 230,000 of rational scale of troops, then the military spending will be reduced by 16,670 million compared with 2003, only the above is assessed and will not have considered and adjusted the range of the firewood in the future , so the military spending assessed should be low than reality. Another learn in accordance with questionnaire investigation , compatriots reach 60.5% that the effective sample counted to support degree of the mercenary system, it is obvious that it is the expectations of most compatriots to implement the mercenary system. In the will of joining the army , though will consider that will occupy 74.6% that the result sample will be counted , the will is low to reflect the young man of the right battle age level, the main reason has no future and fetters too much. Ministry of National Defense since the 92nd year of the Republic of China , with one year Cheng by a definite date , is it recruit wish battle a soldier to run as an experiment in advance, the demand personnel is 647 person in initial stage , recruit through three times and only get 46% of the personnel¡¦s , namely 349 people. So, according to experiment of enlisting persons for service in the armed forces that our country implements for the first time, our country will implement the mercenary system and really exist difficultly. Any national defense builds up the Army and plans to pay attention to ' the stability of the manpower resource ' , because train a ripe soldier it is difficult, all taking the initiative , the wish that the advantage of enlisting persons for service in the armed forces lies in joining in the youth of the troops, the obeying can relatively bear every request trained strictly with the tolerance standing being trained hard, but the speech of stressing and obeying definitely army, it is really the easy taking and manpower resource with high fighting capacity to enlist persons for service in the armed forces. Restriction on the thing that individual took action copy characteristic of army, this be can't changed, but how to help the battle soldier of the wish to carry on the work or the career after retiring to plan, make the army become inducements , promising trade. So if can to volunteer soldier have appropriate career plan and every monthly pay money raise to more than NT$40,000, shown that the mercenary system of our country certainly will have bright prospects in the future by the statistical data.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Potsdam, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [471]-505) and index.

Pas de résumé / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, [2008].

The tendency after the end of the Cold war to downsize national armies on the one hand and persistent armed conflicts in unstable African, Near East and Balkan regions on the other created opening conditions for the revival and rapid evolvement of the private business structures that provide military and security services. Prevailing viewpoint that PMSCs and their personnel represent the new form of the mercenary is not correct from the IHL perspective and could lead to serious human rights abuses. Numerous cases and analysis of the scholar literature shows that inaccurate qualification of the PMSCs’ employees’ status results into deprivation of certain scope of protection from private contractors. Moreover, since there are no accountability and control mechanisms, a high risk for the abuses and impunity for violations of the IHL occurs. Present master thesis aims to analyze international legal status of the PMSCs and their personnel in the context of armed conflict. It also assesses conformity of the existing practice to the IHL norms. In order to conclude a comprehensive research, author provides historical perspective of the warfare privatization, surveys factors that contributed to the outsourcing of military functions, defines what is PMSC, what are their types and capacity of each type, highlights distinguishing features between mercenaries and private contractors and gives a review of the contemporary practice of their use in the armed conflicts. Hypothesis that... [to full text] / Pasibaigus Šaltajam karui išryškėjusi tendencija valstybėms mažinti savo ginkluotąsias pajėgas ir nuolatiniai kariniai konfliktai nestabiliuose Afrikos, Artimųjų Rytų, Balkanų regionuose sudarė palankias sąlygas atgyti ir sparčiai plėtotis privačių, karines ir saugumo paslaugas teikiančių, kompanijų verslui. Vyraujantis požiūris, kad PKSK-jų darbuotojai atstovauja naują samdinystės formą nėra teisiškai korektiškas ir gali lemti grubius žmogaus teisių pažeidimus. Gausi praktika bei mokslinės literatūros analizė rodo, kad privačių kompanijų darbuotojų teisinis statusas klaidingai ir skirtingai kvalifikuojamas pagal tarptautinę humanitarinę teisę. Viena vertus tai sąlygoja kad kompanijų darbuotojams nesuteikiama jiems priklausanti apsauga. Antra vertus, nesant aiškių tarptautinės PKSK-jų atskaitomybės ir kontrolės mechanizmų, susidaro sąlygos piktnaudžiavimui bei nebaudžiamumui už įvykdytus nusikaltimus. Šiame magistro baigiamajame darbe siekiama išanalizuoti PKSK-jų ir jų darbuotojų tarptautinį teisinį statusą ginkluotų konfliktų metu ir įvertinti egzistuojančios praktikos atitikimą tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės normoms. Siekiant atlikti išsamų tyrimą, iškelti uždaviniai pateikti istorinę karo privatizacijos apžvalgą, aptarti procesą skatinančius faktorius, apibrėžti, kas yra PKSK, kokie jų tipai ir kiekvieno iš jų kompetencija, išryškinti skiriamuosius privačių karių ir samdinių bruožus bei apžvelgti dabartinę praktiką šioje srityje. Remiantis pirmine literatūros analize... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Zugl.: Kiel, Univ., Diss., 2007

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009. / Title from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed July 6, 2010) John Duffield, committee chair; Jelena Subotic, Scott Graves, committee members. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56).

The use of private military and security companies (PMSC) by state governments has raised many questions regarding the role of the private security industry (PSI) in conflict. This use of PMSCs by states has resulted in much debate in the public and academic spheres (Avant 2005, Dunigan 2011, Kinsey 2006, Leander 2005, Singer 2008). The PSI and PMSCs are altering the international system of norms and redefining what it means to be secure and make war. States are no longer the only entity in the international system with security needs. Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs) also purchase security services provided by PMSCs. With the ever-growing presence of PMSCs in conflicts, peacekeeping, and humanitarianism, the legitimization of PMSCs is vital for their missions to succeed. Furthermore, companies that operate at the international level as well as their clients have vested interests in changing their image from ‘mercenaries’ and ‘dogs of war’ to ‘private warriors’ and ‘legitimate soldiers’. This dissertation addresses why and how PMSCs seek legitimacy in the international system. I argue that PMSCs desire and need legitimacy to justify their existence and support the claim that their actions are desirable, proper, lawful, and just because they follow a socially constructed system of norms. My dissertation builds on private security literature by drawing on constructivist approaches to norms and legitimacy and employing discourse analysis. Through my analysis, I identify rebranding and self-regulation as measures taken by PMSCs and the PSI to build and solidify the perception of legitimate security providers. PMSCs and the PSI developed their own discourse through the creation and implementation of the Montreux Document, International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers (ICoC), and the ICoC Association to counter the negative perceptions created by media coverage and controversial incidents involving PMSC personnel. The rebranding and self-regulation efforts of PMSCs and the PSI supports the argument that they need and desire legitimacy. Without legitimacy and a shift in perception, the actions of PMSCs and their contractors will always be questioned and full integration into the state and international security apparatus will remain out of reach.

Development and the current status of legal regulation of mercenaries This thesis deals with the issue of mercenary warfare, evolution of the term mercenary, and the position of mercenaries within the internation law. It contains analysis of key international conventions, customary international law and analysis of selected cases. It reviews the evolution if the legislation until present time and provides possibilites for the future. Activites of private military companies and options for their regulation are covered in lesser extent.

On 23 April 1964, five months after assuming the office of President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson launched the "More Flags" program as United States policy. While the publicly stated purpose of.the "More Flags" program was to obtain as much non-military free world aid for the Republic of Vietnam as possible, the program's principle goal centered around Lyndon Johnson's desire to obtain an international consensus for America's policies toward Vietnam and Southeast Asia. The "More Flags" program continued to serve both goals for the remainder of Johnson's presidency. Although started with high expectations of success, the "More Flags" program never succeeded in achieving the levels of international cooperation Lyndon Johnson desired. In fact, the program's significant lack of success necessitated a number of changes, during the program's first year, in both its stated goals and in the methods used to prosecute it's implementation. The most important of these changes would be Washington's use of the program's beneficent objectives to mask it's use as the means through which the United States would purchase mercenary troops to fight in South Vietnam. "Mercenaries in Service to America: The 'More Flags' Foreign Policy of the United States," presents the available history of the "More Flags" program during the years of the Johnson Presidency, with an emphasis on the documentation of the program's use as a disguise for America's obtaining mercenary forces from the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand. The non-mercenary troop contributions from Australia and New Zealand are likewise examined. The majority of documentary evidence comes from the original sources documents in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library in Austin, Texas.