Title: The relationship between the occurrence of a trigger point in the soleus muscle and the functional impairment of the SI joint and the possibility of their mutual influence. Objectives/Aims: The aim is to write a summarization of facts based on a literature research on the complex problem of the trigger point phenomenon with a regard to their etiology and work out a pilot study to verify the relationship between the TrP and stiffness in soleus muscle and the functional impairment of the SI joint in terms of reduced joint play in the ipsilateral lower extremity. The experiment, based on objective results, is to answer the fundamental questions of whether patients with functional impairment of the SI joint leads to the formation of a TrP in the soleus muscle on the ipsilateral limb, whether the eventual dry needle therapy of a TrP in the soleus muscle will remove the malfunction of the ipsilateral SI joint, and vice versa, whether if by restoring joint play in the SI joint by mobilization therapy will have an effect on the muscle tone of the ipsilateral soleus muscle and remove the TRP. Methods: The incidence of TrP and the level of muscle tone was tested on 8 persons with functional impairment of the SI joint. Two even groups were formed. The first group had both a TrP in the soleus muscle and...

Kyrgyzstan is the only country in the region that has experienced two violent changes of regime since proclaiming its independence in 1991. The first regime overthrow was in 2005 and the second, which is the subject of this study, occurred in 2010. The actual purpose of the paper was to study the background of 2010 April events in Kyrgyzstan: economical, socio-political situation, and activities of Bakiyev's clan that probably precipitated the grievance in Kyrgyz society and led to mass mobilization. There have been suggestions that a specific phenomenon in the structure of Kyrgyz society called tribalism served as a push for mass mobilization in Talas. Since Kyrgyzstan with its geographical location plays an important role in Central Asia, the events in the country in 2005 as well as in 2010, are of great importance for neighboring countries, mainly for Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. In addition, Kyrgyzstan is in the zone of influence of some foreign powers - China, Russia, the US and the members of the European Union (EU). The dynamics and contradictions of domestic political and social environment that caused mass mobilization in April 2010 will be disclosed in this paper. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

A desconfiança em instituições e atores políticos pode favorecer a desmobilização do cidadão quando mantida por prazos mais longos. Este estudo, baseado na análise estatística de dados do Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro de 2002, encontrou evidências de que a participação eleitoral e não-eleitoral e o interesse por política são menores entre aqueles que consideram os políticos mais desonestos e declaram menor adesão a partidos. A exposição à mídia jornalística teve impacto reduzido na confiança política, mas mostrou influência positiva para a mobilização, no contexto das eleições brasileiras de 2002. / Distrust in political actors and institutions may foster citizen\'s political demobilization, if sustained for longer periods. This study, based on statistical analysis of data gathered by Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro of 2002, found evidences that electoral and non-electoral participation, as well as interest in politics, are lower among those expressing less confidence in politicians\' honesty and less attachment to parties. Journalistic media exposure showed little impact on political trust, but consistent influence on mobilization, in the Brazilian electoral context of 2002.

O objetivo da presente pesquisa é explorar a mobilização legal de causas políticas, a partir de um estudo de caso sobre quatro entidades de defesa de direitos brasileiras: Sociedade Paraense de Direitos Humanos - SDDH , Centro de Defesa de Direitos Humanos Petrópolis – CDDH, Grupo de Assistência Jurídica às Organizações Populares – GAJOP, e Cidadania, Estudo, Pesquisa, Informação e Ação - CEPIA. Com base predominantemente no uso da metodologia qualitativa, foram analisados relatórios de atividades anuais, revistas e folhetos, produzidos pelas referidas ONGs no período que abrange 1998 até 2010. Visando explorar os distintos formatos de atuação destas entidades no processo de defesa e construção de causas políticas, foram construídas categorias analíticas, que anunciam os principais argumentos emergentes. Os argumentos mais recorrentemente mobilizados caracterizam uma tendência de ativismo por parte das agentes das entidades estudadas. Questões de gênero, diversidade racial e vulnerabilidade social são temas tratados como sendo questão de “direitos humanos”, revelando a apropriação de distintos recursos do universo jurídico e diferentes usos do direito enquanto forma estratégica de mobilização política. / The objective of the current research is to explore legal mobilization of political causes starting with a case study about four brazilian human right’s institutions: Paraense Human Rights Society – SDDH, Petrópolis Human Rights Defence Center – CDDH, Popular Organizations Legal Assistance Group – GAJOP, and Citizenship, Studies, Research, Information and Action – CEPIA. Mainly based in the use of qualitative methodology, anual activity reports, magazines and flyers produced by refered NGOs within the years 1998 to 2010 were analyzed. With the aim of studying these institutions’ distinct performance formats in the process of putting up and defending political causes. Analytical categories were built, announcing the main emerging arguments. The most recurringly mobilized arguments feature an activism tendency by agents of the researched institutions, which are within a point of view related to Law and Feminism, gender issues, racial diversity and social vulnerability as a matter of “human rights”, prioritizing the appropriation of distinct uses of Law, as well as, resources from law universe as a form of strategic political mobilization.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-07-17T17:59:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FranciscoPereira.pdf: 1195005 bytes, checksum: d7d9e798144aa7e28800b0395bd36b75 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-17T17:59:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FranciscoPereira.pdf: 1195005 bytes, checksum: d7d9e798144aa7e28800b0395bd36b75 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-31 / This paper aims to portray the political rise of Paulo Marinho in Caxias, as well as the importance of printing in this process. Paulo Marinho still has a political leadership in CaxiasMA, but his political emergence happened in the 1980s, when the Caxian society mobilized, claiming their rights, wanting a decent and better life. Marinho joined the PMDB and, with the party, created a political speech full of messages of hope. Its main project was to renew the political frameworks of the time, giving opportunity to young people and voice to the the poor people. The main idea of his proposals was that the "new" would supplant the "old" - synonymous of economic delay and linked to the dictatorial regime begun in 1964. Marinho and his party attracted thousands of followers who, in the great majority, identified in these proposals a condition of a better future. The rise of Paulo Marinho is undoubtedly the result of the social mobilization of the caxienses. / Esse trabalho tem como objetivo retratar a ascensão política de Paulo Marinho em Caxias, bem como a importância da impressa nesse processo. Paulo Marinho ainda hoje exerce uma liderança política em Caxias-MA, mas sua emergência política aconteceu na década de 1980, quando a sociedade caxiense se mobilizava, reivindicando seus direitos, querendo uma vida digna e melhor. Marinho filiou-se ao PMDB e, com o partido, engendou um discurso político cheio de mensagens de esperança. Seu principal projeto era renovar os quadros políticos da época, dando oportunidade aos jovens e voz aos menos favorecidos. A ideia-mestra de suas propostas era que o “novo” suplantaria o “velho” - sinônimo de atraso econômico e ligado ao regime autoritário iniciado em 1964. Marinho e seu partido atraiu milhares de seguidores que, na grande maioria, identificaram nessas propostas uma condição de futuro melhor. A ascensão de Paulo Marinho é fruto, sem dúvida, da mobilização social dos caxienses.

This dissertation explores women's activism in the anti-abortion movement in the United States, from the 1960s through the close of the twentieth century. I study the transformation of the movement, from its origins in the Catholic Church in the 1960s, to the influx of evangelical Christians into the movement in the early 1980s. My primary sources include organizational records, personal papers, newspapers, legal documents, and oral histories. I analyze women's roles within the movement and the religious contexts that influenced their ideology and informed their choice of tactics. Anti-abortion activism provided a forum for many religiously conservative women to engage in public debates, shape public policy, and protest publicly. First, I examine the relationships between women who established national anti-abortion organizations with those women who participated in grassroots activism. I suggest that evangelical Protestant women were more likely to hold leadership positions in the mainstream movement because most leaders in the evangelical grassroots wing of the movement enforced a patriarchal organizational structure. On the other hand, progressive Catholic women had considerably more influence in the grassroots organizations they formed apart from the Roman Catholic Church. Second, I address how women responded to the rise of the New Right and the subsequent influx of evangelical Christians into the movement. I trace the history of violence in the history and suggest that women had prepared the movement to accept the radicalism of evangelical Christians by the 1980s. By focusing on women, I seek to reveal the contradictions between religiously conservative ideas about proper gender roles that many women in the movement espoused and the actual work they performed as activists.

How does digital media and online news, especially blogs, influence support for women congressional and presidential candidates? From work on traditional print and television news we know women are framed differently than men, and are more likely to be framed as women (appearance, clothing, mother or wife, marital status, sex, gendered issues). I argue the transition to digital media (blogs and online news) is exacerbating these trends, increasing gender stereotype opinions of women candidates in the mass public, among both men and women. In turn I find gender stereotype opinions combined with use of online media reduces the probability of voting for women candidates. While much of the literature on digital media focuses on the positives that come with increased political information, participation and mobilization, holding these factors constant, this research highlights a potential cost of digital media. Much of what we know about the media and women candidates is based on content analysis of newspapers and television stories (Bystrom 20004; 2010a; 2010b; Iyengar et al1997; Lawrence and Rose 2010). The dominant literature on the impact of the mass media on women candidates is based on experimental framing studies with hypothetical female candidates. But media scholars are increasing interested in digital media and citizen journalism, as more Americans now read their news online than read a print newspaper. Davis (2009) and Sunstein (2007) find that journalists too are increasingly turning to the blogs for ideas and content that run on mainstream media. While citizen journalism has many benefits (see Shirky 2010), there is less fact checking with online news, where rumors can often masquerade as truth. Analysis of the coverage of Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential run found that coverage of Clinton online, especially the blogs, was more sexist than mainstream media (Lawrence and Rose 2010; Richie 2013). For example, one group sold t-shirts and bumper stickers staying "Get Hillary Back in the Kitchen." Boystrum (2010) analyses how women and men presidential, congressional and gubernatorial candidates differ, and how this affects media coverage of the candidates. Using content analysis, she finds no gendered differences in the content of their websites. Thus this research focuses on blogs and online news rather than candidate websites. No previous research has considered individual level data on use of online news for politics and whether this leads to gender stereotype opinions; nor has the existing research considered whether digital media use, combined believing in these stereotypes of women, impacts voting for women candidates in real election contexts. Rather than content analysis used in political communications or laboratory experiments often used in gender studies, this research relies on national survey data to measure the effect of digital media use for voting for women candidates in actual electoral campaigns. Combining large sample nationwide survey data of all congressional candidates running in 2008, 2010 and 2012, with a sample of Iowa caucus participants, and a unique national survey of primary voters, this research seeks to answer two primary questions. First, what is the effect of use of blog and online news on gendered stereotype opinion of women and male candidates (see Chapters 3 and 5)? Secondly, what is the combined effect of digital media use and gendered opinions in reducing support at the ballot box for women for the U.S. House or the president (see Chapters 4 and 6)? To consider the overall, or net effect, of digital media on support for women candidates, I incorporate the benefits of online news and communication to engage and mobilize the public. Across many detailed analyses presented in this research, I find that reading blogs and online news generally increases the likelihood of forming opinions about women candidates colored by gender stereotypes, based on experience, knowledge, competency, integrity, strong leader, caring and more. In Chapter 3 I consider the case of Hillary Clinton and find that reading the news online and using online political information increased the belief that Clinton was less experienced, and was less trustworthy. In Chapter 4 I find that gender stereotype opinions and digital media use reduced favorability ratings of Clinton and Clinton compared to her male presidential contenders (Obama and Edwards). These two factors also reduced the probably of voting for her, holding other factors constant. Chapter 5 analyses all U.S. House races from 2008, 2010, and 2012 with a women candidate. Individuals who used online news or political blogs are more likely to believe the woman candidate is less competent, lacks integrity, and is less caring than the man candidate, holding other factors constant. Finally, the results from Chapter 6 show gendered opinions and digital media reduce the likelihood of voting for the woman candidate. The overall, or net effect, models show even the positive effect of online mobilization is outweighed by the negative effect of digital media combined with the believe in gender stereotypes. Such gendered opinions of women candidates are widely held by the mass public. The dominant explanation for why Obama, as an underdog candidate won the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination was that he was able to mobilize and engage the public, especially the young, through online media. These online venues also significantly increased the money Obama raised through small dollar contributions (Redlawsk et al 2010). However, what these stories ignore is the negative media coverage of his primary opponent, Hillary Clinton, online. This study attempts to systematically and empirically document how the Internet and online news may contributed to reduced support for Clinton's candidacy and women congressional candidates more generally. As new communication mediums are developed there are often short-term increases in misinformation with the proliferation of information, but as standards are established this chaos disappears. Digital media's effect on women candidates for elected office over the long run is unclear and deserves further study.

Compared to most Western democracies, voter turnout in the United States is consistently lower. Individuals from disadvantaged groups such as the poor are also less likely to vote than more affluent citizens. To counteract these trends, American state governments since the 1970s have adopted election reform laws (early voting, no-excuse absentee or mail voting, and Same Day Registration [SDR] voting) to make voting easier for the citizen. Paradoxically, most research on election reform laws has found that these laws have a minimal effect on turnout, and do not reduce disparities between more and less advantaged voting groups. This study argues that past studies have not properly accounted for features of a state’s electoral system – combinations of voting reform laws, election administration, and history of turnout – that structure the impacts of these laws on turnout. The goal of this research is to re-evaluate the performance of these election reform laws by contextualizing the laws in a state’s electoral system. This study makes several unique contributions to the literature on election reform laws. First, convenience voting laws and state election administration are reframed as components of the overall accessibility of a state’s electoral system. Using a policy feedback framework, this reframing recognizes how citizens, political campaigns, and accessible electoral systems shape turnout. The study then evaluates the effects of accessible electoral systems on overall turnout, and turnout among the poor. Additionally, this project analyzes how these laws structure the mobilization strategies of political campaigns. Finally, this research utilizes two large datasets containing millions of respondents from all fifty American states (Catalist and the Cooperative Congressional Election Study) with advanced statistical methods to assess the effects of these laws at the individual level in the 2008-2014 midterm and presidential elections. After controlling for the accessibility of state electoral systems, this research finds that convenience voting laws do increase turnout, encourage participation from the least likely voting groups, motivate campaigns to mobilize voters, and reduce turnout inequality.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-92). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

NAPL (non-aqueous phase liquid) blob mobilization and solubilization models were developed to predict residual NAPL fate and describe flow dynamics of various displacing phases (water and surfactant foam). The models were achieved by pore-scale mass and force balances and were focused on the understanding of the physico-chemical interactions between NAPL blobs and the displacing phases. The pore-level mass balance indicated changes in NAPL saturation instead of mass reduction occurring with blob solubilization. The force balance was used to explain the complex flow configurations among NAPL blobs and the displacing phases. Some factors such as the wettability and the spreading/entering coefficients were useful in determining flow configurations. From the models developed in this study, dimensional analysis was performed to identify NAPL blob motion during water or surfactant foam flooding. In non-dimensionalized forms, a Trapping number employed as an indicator of blob displacement performance was modified to quantify the onset of blob mobilization. Its value for water flooding was nearly 2-3 orders of magnitude greater than that of surfactant foam flooding. Next, to investigate the blob flow regime in porous media, a blob velocity was computed. Regardless of the displacing phases, a blob’s velocity increased with increasing blob sizes after commencement of blob motion, and the velocity of DNAPL (dense non-aqueous phase liquid) blobs was greater than that of LNAPL (light non-aqueous phase liquid) blobs. From this investigation, it is expected that the pore-scale solubilization and mobilization models would provide better understanding leading to a predictive capability for the flow behavior of NAPL blobs removed by various displacing phases in a porous medium. Additionally, the models based on newly approached concepts and modified governing equations would be useful in conceptualization, as well as the model prediction of other immiscible or miscible fluids flowing through a porous medium. Further, the models developed in our study would be a useful contribution to the study of small-scale contaminants or substances such as particle and bacterial transport in porous media.