Thesis--Université de Paris IV. / Errata slip laid in. Includes bibliographical references (p. 613-641) and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of History, December 2002. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This thesis explores a new political phenomenon in the Middle East - the reconciliation of nationalism and Islamism by Islamic political parties in the context of nation states. Although the concept of religious nationalism has been discussed substantially before, as for example in Juergensmeyer (1993: 40) where the author defines religious nationalism as “the attempt to link religion and the nation-state”, this work highlights that a new brand of religious nationalism has emerged in the Middle East as the result of the intertwining of nationalism and Islamism. The focus of this study is, therefore, on the development of religious nationalism in the continuously tumultuous region of the Middle East. The aim of this researchis to investigate whether Islamism in Kurdistan is limited by the politics of nationalism, which is an accentuated example for the whole Middle East region. Furthermore, it should be noted that many of the religious nationalists themselves have not yet fully acknowledged the existence of the trend of merging between Islamism and nationalism. For instance, although the position of the Muslim Brotherhood of Kuwait, during the liberation of their state from the Iraqi regime, is a clear example of religious nationalism, all other affiliations of this organisation around the world at that time viewed the military operation as a foreign occupation. Highlighting this historical juncture in the political life of the Middle East by studying the Islamism in the Kurdistan region helped to elaborate on this new type of politics exceptionally well. This is essentially due to the absence of a politically recognised nation state which renders Kurds to be particularly susceptible to various manifestations of nationalism. The key finding of this project was, therefore, the notion that Islamism in Kurdistan has become significantly framed by the politics of nationalism.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Andrew Orr / The end of the Second Boer War in 1902 gave rise to cultural and political action of Afrikaners within the colonial governments and among the South African people. These actions caused a rise in Afrikaner cultural and political nationalism. Though the British emerged victorious from the war, resentment for the British Empire was widespread in the South African colonies due to brutalities suffered by the Afrikaners during the war. This resentment would later be channeled by Afrikaner leaders and used as a political weapon. The British wished for appeasement with the Afrikaners and established terms at the end of the war that Afrikaner leaders were able to use to further Afrikaner culture through politics. The military victory for the British influenced many Afrikaners to trade violence for political and cultural means of resistance. Throughout the years 1902-1924 the Afrikaner people established strategies through politics, literary publications, and new political groups, developed in the years 1904-1908, to advocate for Afrikaner nationalism and cultural equality amongst the British in areas of law, commerce, and education. The war showed the futility of military resistance against the British, but inspired many to push for political and cultural resistance, unification, and eventual dominance. Afrikaner nationalist dominance in South Africa began with the efforts of the Afrikaner leaders and people in 1902 after the Second Boer War.

This study proposes a model for the deconstruction of nationalism. Nationalism is a discursive construct. This construct manifests in ideologies and formalizes order. Individuals should question these institutions in order to achieve legitimate societal participation. This criticism can be accomplished through self-reflection. The model demonstrates that sanctioned individual(s) provide interpretations of events. These interpretations recycle authority. The hermeneutic obscures an individual's understanding of the originating fact. Self-reflection allows an individual, such as Malcolm X in the Nation of Islam, to come closer to discovering the original fact. Critiquing the hermeneutic can reveal the imperfections of the message(s). Revealing the imperfections of an ideology is the first step to the liberation of the individual and society.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The demise of apartheid presented South Africa with an opportunity to rebuild itself from its painful racist past to become a home to all those who live in it. This was done through a process of nation-building, which took the form of a multicultural civic nation, affectionately known as the Rainbow Nation, that embraces diverse cultures while affirming that individual citizens have equal rights. This thesis argues that the building of the Rainbow Nation has been somewhat successful, but more on a symbolic than institutional level, and that enduring forms of racial exclusion from socio-economic well-being pose the greatest threat to constructing a united, multicultural nation of civic equals.

While Ireland remained neutral throughout the Second World War, it was not spared from the economic and social consequences of the conflict. This time in Ireland is known as ‘the Emergency’ and shortages of essential goods exacerbated poverty, often with fatal consequences for the worst off. In 1941, Hilda Tweedy organized a petition signed by Irish women that was sent to Government in pursuit of a variety of policies intended to alleviate some of the harshest suffering caused by economic turmoil and minimal government intervention. This petition ultimately laid the groundwork for the subsequent formation of the Irish Housewives Association in 1942. This Association was involved in a wide array of activities, but consumer protection and the cost of living were of preeminent concern throughout their existence. The Irish Housewives Association has received some historical attention for its feminist activities, but I propose that many of their initiatives can be usefully analyzed through theories of nationalism. I argue that the theoretical innovations of everyday nationalism and consumer nationalism possess previously unrecognized utility for illuminating women’s experience throughout this period of Irish history. / Graduate / 2021-08-25

Previous research that tends to digress into accusations against or advocacy for the Church of Sweden ultimately misses the mark in assessing the overall culpability of the Church for its historical relationship with nationalism. At the core of this study is the pursuit of an investigation that addresses this concern by asking the following questions: how has the Church of Sweden historically lent itself to nationalism and to what extent is the Church culpable for nationalism in Sweden? What follows is a status quaestionis, which creates a comparative analysis that functions as a means to gauge the Church’s historical and thematic contributions to Swedish nationalism and the formation of Swedish identity. Fundamental to this endeavor is a concept of broad culpability, which is consequently applied to the construction of the Church’s sacred Swedish community. This status quaestionis culminates with a discussion that connects a potential adjudication with four possible outcomes, which are based on Rogers Brubaker’s four approaches for analyzing religion and nationalism. Finally, an outcome is presented, which ultimately concludes that a formal adjudication regarding the Church’s culpability is immature without the completion of further empirical research that delves into the precise nature and spirit of nationalism in the Church as contrasted with other forms and sources of Swedish nationalism.

No description available.

Within the field of study concerning 20th century Black Nationalist movements in the United States scholars and historians have primarily focused on two aspects of the movement: The Marcus Garvey era of the early twentieth century and the Black Power movement of the tumultuous 1960s and early 1970s. In regards to the decades in between, the 30s, 40s and the 50s, scholars have been in comparison relatively silent. While at first glance, it may appear that nationalist movements were dormant during these years, the research will show evidence to the contrary. The project establishes that during the 30 year period between Marcus Garvey and the UNIA and the Black Radicalism period of the 1960s, the Black Nationalist movement was expanding and evolving under the leadership of Religious Black Nationalist organizations. The research focuses on the ideologies, activities, and the political transformations in Black Nationalism that occurred within the following Religious Black Nationalist organizations: the Black Hebrew Israelites, the Father Divine Movement, and the Nation of Islam. These groups combined different expressions of the Black Nationalism. To varying degrees the Black Hebrew Israelites, Father Divine, and the Nation of Islam incorporated Black Nationalist elements into their spiritual messages. The research finds that these Religious Black Nationalist organizations were the forefathers of the Black Power organizations that were prevalent in the 1960s. These groups provided models to the next generation for mobilization, spreading their message, setting up economic foundations for their movements, and perhaps most importantly organizing politically within a system that did not recognize them.