The dissertation begins with a seeming paradox in twentieth-century Guinean history: how did ethnic Fulbe, constituting some 40% of Guinea’s population, come to be labeled “neo-colonial traitors” in a country that was supposedly founded upon a broad-based, multi-ethnic nationalism? Less than two decades after Guineans’ 1958 rejection of membership in a reformed French community, Guinea’s first president, Sékou Touré, argued that there existed a “particular situation” in the Futa Jallon, the historic homeland of the Fulbe, that had caused the Fulbe to diverge from the rest of the country. Using Touré’s speech announcing the “particular situation” as a point of entry, the dissertation argues that the legacy of hierarchies rooted in the pre-colonial Islamic Futa Jallon state, contestation between African political parties during decolonization, and the partial failure of the post-colonial state’s attempt to create a “modern” Guinean society combined to produce a Fulbe fragment of the Guinean nation. The dissertation’s first two chapters examine how the presentation and practice of chiefly authority in the Futa Jallon following the imposition of French rule resulted from the entanglement of local and colonial discourses, and how the opening of colonial spaces – markets, cities, and cash crop fields, for example – allowed room for marginalized groups such as former slaves and women to renegotiate Fulbe social hierarchies. The dissertation then examines how the practical work of building political coalitions as well as ideological debates about the meaning of modernity during decolonization led to the marginalization of Fulbe elites and the conceptual “othering” of the Fulbe. The dissertation then shifts to Fulbe (self-)positioning within an emerging post-colonial order. One chapter argues that political, economic, and social reforms enacted by the Touré-led government marked the Fulbe as resistant to attempts at modernization, leading to the elimination of Fulbe elites and the designation of the Fulbe as “anti-citizens.” Another follows the pathways of Fulbe exiles, migrants, and merchants took after independence, arguing that the Fulbe diaspora created by repression shaped ideas about citizenship, political community, and belonging in post-colonial Guinea. The histories examined by the dissertation demonstrate that the current welding of political community and ethnicity is the result of Guinea’s status as a post-slavery, post-colonial, and post-socialist society, rather than the deterministic result of “natural” regional differences or the structure of the colonial state. The dissertation is based upon two years of research in Guinea, Senegal, and France. Using previously neglected oral and archival sources in French and Pular, it makes several significant interventions in Africanist historiography. Countering temporal and conceptual frameworks based solely upon colonial intervention, I argue that ideas about ethnicity were formed and reformed throughout the twentieth century and that ethnic identities were shaped as much by local ideas as they were by the colonial state. I also argue that, contradicting portrayals of post-colonial balkanization, debates about the nation and citizenship after independence took place in both local and trans-national contexts. Lastly, while previous studies have often cast ethnicity and nationalism in Africa as inherently different forms of political thought, I argue that both arise from similar processes. The failure of the post-colonial African nation-state is often attributed to the supposed immutability of ethnic identity. The political history of Guinea, on the other hand, demonstrates that African politicians and parties used ethnicities as an “other” in opposition to which they articulated their own visions of the nation. Thus, Fulbe identification and Guinean nationalism were in fact mutually formed and their histories closely intertwined over the course of the twentieth century.

The thesis defines and explores three different modalities of nationalism - diagnosis, activism and redemption - in the context of contemporary Bulgaria. Nationalists see a significant divergence between ‘who we should be' and ‘who we are'. This is accentuated by Bulgarian citizens' experiences of socio-political chaos and uncertainty. The thesis looks at the political rituals which aim to redeem the ‘ill' Bulgarian nation, conceived as both post-Ottoman and post-Soviet. It focuses the importance of affect for understanding the relevance of the nation for citizens' sense of self. I begin by examining the apparatus of production through which the Bulgarian national subject is imbued with a particular character. I consider how it has been constituted historically and how it continues to be moulded by contemporary discourses. I demonstrate that ‘being Bulgarian' is nowadays a primarily negative state of being, defined through the discourse of the ill nation. As far as nationalists are concerned, this illness can be cured only through attempting, out of the debris of historical contingency, to renew social structures so that they more closely resemble the ideal. My research focussed on one nationalist organisation in Bulgaria which attempted to fulfil this task: VMRO (or IMRO- the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Movement). I explore how the organisation creates and renews itself as a descendant of the national revival movements of the 19th and early 20th century, and thus as a valid form of contemporary nationalism, while at the same time it fills the role of a modern political party. To heal the nation, VMRO declares a need to be vigilant against further catastrophes and to address the consequences of previous ones. It thus interprets existing social grievances according to specific narratives about the nation's problems and prescribes redemptive action. VMRO addresses a public which has internalised a sense of being judged by ‘the international' (often imagined as ‘a dictate'). This is not the ‘real'international, but an imagined, power-laden domain. Nationalists engage with this domain by constructing illicit discourses which challenge this nexus of power. In the thesis, I explore how the traditional imperatives of a nationalist organisation - making claims for territories, populations and minority issues - are hybridized by the organisation's dialogic engagement with both ‘the international', with citizens' daily concerns and their affective states.

Yuen Yui Chi Peter. / Thesis submitted in: June 2003. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 95-101). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Table of Contents --- p.1 / The Nation Lives On --- p.2 / The Case --- p.8 / Definitions --- p.10 / Objective and Research Question --- p.11 / Significance --- p.12 / The Liberal Narrative for the End of Nations --- p.14 / The Liberal-Pluralist Logic: An Overview --- p.14 / """The Control Revolution "". from State to Individual" --- p.16 / Nationalism According to the Liberal-Pluralist: Two Critiques --- p.22 / "The Internet, Civil Society and Nationalism: An Alternative View" --- p.32 / Chinese Nationalism： A Case Study --- p.34 / The Case --- p.34 / Sampling Methodology --- p.36 / Results --- p.44 / Analysis --- p.77 / Discussion and Conclusion --- p.85 / Internet and Mass Media Nationalism --- p.85 / Limitations and Future Work --- p.91 / Conclusion --- p.92 / Appendices --- p.94 / Keywords Used in Sampling Hong Kong Online Discourse --- p.94 / References --- p.95

This thesis focuses on the Kosovo Albanian national movement between 1968 and 2008. Using a multi-layered approach, it analyses a) the factors that determined its political success, b) its continuous transformation and, above all, the internal dynamics of power competition, and c) the prevalence of the independence option in the early 1990s. A key feature of this research project is that it emphasises intra- Albanian struggles, elite competition and tensions over internal legitimacy and power to dominate and generate political identities. In other words, it depicts the way in which nationalism is contested within a national movement that seeks independence. As regards the political success of Kosovo Albanian nationalism, the thesis has demonstrated that although the latter has been fragmented, especially during the war, external intervention was essential in the removal of the Serbian/Yugoslav control and, later on, in achieving independence. It not only proved to be a determining factor in the achievement of Kosovo’s independence, but also played an essential role in sustaining a minimal consensus within the deeply fragmented nationalist movement. Regarding the issue of the internal dynamics of contention and power-struggles and ideological and political transformations of the nationalist movement, the findings suggest that the Kosovo Albanian nationalist movement has constantly been an arena of struggle for competing groups/organisations and political stances. Such power struggles in turn led to the bifurcation, trifurcation or even total fragmentation of the movement, with various groups and parties standing at opposite ends of the spectrum of political and nationalist demands. The thesis contends that the internal power struggle intensified in the aftermath of critical junctures that provided new opportunities (such as audiences) and constraints for the competing parties/groups. These ‘episodes of contention’ in turn resulted in the fundamental transformation and the restructuring of the power relations within the Kosovo Albanian nationalist arena and political field and, consequently, of the political demands and ideological orientation of the movement. The thesis adopts the institutionalist approach to explain the predominance of the independence option. While examining the role of political institutions in structuring political life and forging a new political identity, it argues that the project of an independent Kosovo is tightly linked to, and even stems from, the existence of Kosovo’s quasi-republican status in Yugoslavia. In other words, the existence of separate Kosovan cultural and political institutions during the period of autonomy was crucial in the process of the emergence of independence-oriented elites. Finally, as regards the contribution of this thesis to the wider scholarly work on nationalism, it reinforces the necessity of shifting the focus from the political success of nationalism to its sociological development and the properties of political and social interactions that define the emergence of factionalism and competing political stances. Most importantly, this thesis has shown that even in cases of apparent ethnic homogenisation and cemented inter-ethnic distance, internal dissent and strife is inevitable as groups and individuals strive for power and domination.

This thesis examines the media representations of Chien-Ming Wang, a Taiwanese baseball player who played for the New York Yankees, in American and Taiwanese print media from 2005 to 2009. Wang had been attracting media attention in both the United States and in Taiwan during the time because of his athletic performance and dual identities in the two places. The results show that the Taiwanese media usually placed heavy emphasis on his national identity, making him one of the most high-profile athletes in Taiwan. On the other hand, as a foreign player and an Asian athlete, his racial identity was sometimes the focus of the American media. While he had been generally portrayed in a positive way, his Asian identity is still well-scrutinized. I argue that his media representations in the United States fit the model minority discourse which remains the typical perception in the US, meaning that stereotypical characteristics of Asians or Asian Americans are emphasized or overrepresented.

Abstract not available

The Philippine Education Theater Association (PETA), the People’s Theatre in the Philippines was founded within the bounds of the nationalist leftist tradition. Its origin therefore determines to a great extent the contours of the discourse on the feminist movement in the Philippines, its participation within the cultural movement and the founding years of the pioneering People’s Theatre in the country. As a grass roots theatre from a Third World nation, the PETA theatre model responded to the needs in raising socio-political and economic consciousness and can therefore serve as an alternative tool to formal education for other Third World countries. This thesis argues, the People’s Theatre development is determined within the matrix of gender, class, politics and the nationalist movement to which it is intertwined or inextricably linked. The feminist, nationalist and radical movements have become superimposed upon the history of the People’s Theatre and have nurtured its development as a consciousness raising educational tool.

<p>Vi har analyserat Forum för levande historias material <em>brott mot mänskligheten under kommunistiska regimer </em>genom en hermeneutisk textanalys. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om materialet förmedlar historiemedvetande. Resultatet visar att materialet inte förmedlar det som krävs för att historiemedvetandet ska stimuleras. De historiska händelserna sätts inte tillräckligt väl in i sitt sammanhang och det råder otydlighet beträffande vad som orsakade utvecklingen. Materialet redovisar inte tillräckligt många förklaringsperspektiv. Avslutningsvis diskuteras resultatet mot tidigare forskning och vad denna typ av historieskrivning kan få för pedagogiska konsekvenser.</p>

No description available.

Denna uppsats i journalistik handlar om hur bevakningen i kvällstidningarnas sportbilagor av det svenska herrlandslaget i fotbolls-VM 2002 och 2006 och mer specifikt hur krönikorna i dessa tidningar skapar en svensk identitet och om dessa innehåller spår av nationalism. Uppsatsen utgår från norske antropologen Thomas Hylland Eriksens teorier om etnicitet, föreställda gemenskaper och nationalism samt tidigare forskning kring Vi och Dom i medier. Undersökningen visar att bevakningen av fotbolls-VM till stor grad består av en typ av värnande om det svenska och till och med nationalism som på andra platser i samhället skulle vara helt oacceptabel. Bland annat förminskas afrikanska och karibiska lags spelare liksom engelsmän och tyskar för att stärka den egna identiteten. Även krigsretorik, som normalt förknippas med nationalistiska diskurser, är vanligt förekommande. Exempelvis beskrivs de svenska supportrarna som ”den gula armén” flera gånger. Sportbilagornas krönikörer, vissa mer än andra, använder sig av flera grepp som kan kopplas till nationalism och bidrar i allra högsta grad till att skapa en svensk (föreställd) gemenskap.