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This dissertation examines the involvement of Liberia's religious and diaspora groups in the peace process that ended the 14-year Liberian Civil War (1989-2003). Its aims include determining the extent of, the rationale for, as well as the effects of the involvement of Liberia's religious and diaspora groups in the peacemaking efforts that were undertaken in the course of the Liberian conflict. While findings show that a multiplicity of factors were responsible for the eventual resolution of the protracted conflict, they also reveal that the action of both religious and diaspora actors influenced the trajectory of the conflict and the outcome of the peace process. The religious actors, being the initiators of the Liberian peace process, played such roles as mediators, dialogue facilitators, watchdogs and trustees of the entire process. Although their efforts were mainly influenced by the desire to fulfil the divine mandate to 'tend to the flock', achievable only in a peaceful and stable environment, religious actors' peacemaking roles also presented an opportunity to regain some of the societal influence that organized religion, especially Christianity, enjoyed during the 158 years of minority 'Americo-Liberian' rule. For diaspora actors, whose roles ranged from being founders and sponsors of warring factions, to providing succour to Liberians back home through remittances, and subsequently engaging the peace process, attaining political power through the barrel of the gun or through peaceful means served the same purpose. In achieving the dissertation's aims, a historical analysis of Liberia's socio-political environment is undertaken. Also examined are the roles played by various international, regional and national actors, either as peacemakers or as sponsors of various warring factions engaged in hostilities, as well as relevant theories or paradigms such as Conflict Transformation, Social Capital and Liberal Peace. This empirical study employed the means of qualitative research methods, obtaining primary data through interviews conducted in Liberia, Ghana, the USA and Nigeria.

The participation of women in peace processes has received increased attention in recent years and it is possible to identify several arguments of why it is of importance to include women to a larger extent. As the debate regarding the presence of women in peace processes is focused around the importance of including women to a larger extent, it can be valuable to further explore the role of women in peace processes in terms of their participation and the obstacles present for their participation. The focus of this study is the peace process in Burundi from the beginning of the Arusha negotiations in 1998 and onwards, as it can be considered a country with a positive outcome in terms of the inclusion of women’s situation in the final peace agreement. The participation of women during the peace process is studied with the aim to identify the main obstacles for women’s participation. The first aspect studied is the participation of women during the peace process both in the formal and informal part of the process. The outcome in terms of the peace agreement signed in 2000 and the situation for women’s participation after the agreement is also considered. Furthermore, the obstacles present for women’s participation in the peace process are studied. To explore the participation of women as well as the obstacles present for women’s participation in Burundi, the case study method is chosen together with the use of theory testing and content analysis. The case of Burundi is placed in relation to theories regarding women’s participation in peace processes and the obstacles identified in Burundi are placed in relation to findings in other studies regarding obstacles present for women’s participation. Content analysis is used when studying the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, in order to explore the inclusion of women’s specific situation in the agreement.     The findings of the study demonstrate that the case of Burundi is similar to several other cases studied in terms of the obstacles women face for their participation. The obstacles identified to be the most common were aspects related to the culture and social norms, as well as the presence of violence in society. The external support is further raised as an important factor for women’s organizations working for a more equal post-conflict society. The participation of women is argued to have had a positive effect on the outcome in terms of the consideration of women’s situation. But as it also is stated, it is difficult to identify the exact impact of specifically the women’s participation.

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A world class sports complex will impact on the neighboring communities by providing grounds for interaction. The idea of an economic lift through international exposure and athletic competitions such as soccer, swimming, gymnastics, volleyball, tennis, basketball, golf, track and possibly the Summer Olympic Games, as the Peace Games is enticing to a nation which is just now starting to rebuild its cities and is facing a stagnate economy. Many of the sports facilities in Sarajevo and other parts of old Yugoslavia have been destroyed. The opportunity exists, to create a complex where the most basic characteristics of sport are show - cased - camaraderie, healthy competition, sportsmanship and above all, human interaction. All key factors in the conflict resolution arena. Children are the most viable direction to follow. They do not know about war and ethic cleansing. By creating facilities which are designed for interaction, children who latter become adults, realize that ethnicity is irrelevant in a persons character. The other group to be targeted is that comprised of people who are asking themselves the question: what have we done? to our families, neighborhoods, cities and country? The ideas of the self serving leader who uses ethnicity as a means to power are becoming less and less appealing. When these groups are pared with the people who always new that war is wrong, specially when racially or culturally motivated, an healthy atmosphere can be achieved. People from one group will see their children and friends trying their best - sometimes wining, sometimes loosing. The emotional responses associated with it is critical. They will witness other parents from other groups having the same feelings for their children and friends. The observer can't help but notice that regardless of race or creed we are equal. We can expect that some of the residents from different cultures and social backgrounds will interact and become more tolerant if not friends as children and as adults. A teammate in sport, a teammate for life. This is where architecture and sport can be the most effective. / Master of Science

The purpose of this thesis is to understand why the Arab-Israeli conflict has remained irreconcilable for sixty-one years. While the details and forms of the conflict have changed over time, the central factors dividing Zionists and Arabs in the Middle East have altered little. In this thesis I examine what these factors are and why they have been so effective in frustrating every peace effort. To understand the fundamental factors which keep the dispute alive I have conducted a comparative study of the two major peace initiatives which frame it diplomatically. The first formal peace conference between Israel and her Arab adversaries took place in Lausanne in 1949. The issues of borders, Jerusalem and refugees would not be seriously engaged with again until the last peace effort to date, the Camp David talks of 2000. Through a detailed comparative analysis of both conferences I seek to understand the positions taken by the warring parties towards these issues and the broader motivating factors separating them and preventing them from achieving peace. As the most important third party and supposed ??honest broker?? in both talks, I also closely examine the behaviour and policy of the US at each case. I find that the positions taken towards each issue by Israel, on the one hand, and the Arab party, on the other, were remarkably consistent in 1949 and 2000. Israel was not fully committed to peace in either instance, while the Arabs twice refused to sign what amounted to documents of surrender. These consistent positions starkly contrasted with that of the US, which completely changed its positions in ways which, by 2000, had almost wholly aligned it with Zionist demands. I conclude that future peace will rest on the ability of each party to re-examine its past in order to produce a spirit of reconciliation. For Israel, this will mean honestly revisiting Zionism in order to confront what its triumph meant for the Palestinian inhabitants of the land. The Arabs must also seek a broader understanding of their role in the dispute and demonstrate forcefully to Israelis that they seek peace rather than retribution. Above all, if the US is to retain its role as mediator it must abandon its ??special relationship?? with Israel and return to a more genuinely?? even handed alignment with the broader international consensus on the dispute. As it stands, the US??s more or less unconditional support of Israel has the effect of leading Israelis and Palestinians ever further from peace even as an ever more empty ??peace process?? is rhetorically trumpeted abroad.

The purpose of this thesis is to understand why the Arab-Israeli conflict has remained irreconcilable for sixty-one years. While the details and forms of the conflict have changed over time, the central factors dividing Zionists and Arabs in the Middle East have altered little. In this thesis I examine what these factors are and why they have been so effective in frustrating every peace effort. To understand the fundamental factors which keep the dispute alive I have conducted a comparative study of the two major peace initiatives which frame it diplomatically. The first formal peace conference between Israel and her Arab adversaries took place in Lausanne in 1949. The issues of borders, Jerusalem and refugees would not be seriously engaged with again until the last peace effort to date, the Camp David talks of 2000. Through a detailed comparative analysis of both conferences I seek to understand the positions taken by the warring parties towards these issues and the broader motivating factors separating them and preventing them from achieving peace. As the most important third party and supposed ??honest broker?? in both talks, I also closely examine the behaviour and policy of the US at each case. I find that the positions taken towards each issue by Israel, on the one hand, and the Arab party, on the other, were remarkably consistent in 1949 and 2000. Israel was not fully committed to peace in either instance, while the Arabs twice refused to sign what amounted to documents of surrender. These consistent positions starkly contrasted with that of the US, which completely changed its positions in ways which, by 2000, had almost wholly aligned it with Zionist demands. I conclude that future peace will rest on the ability of each party to re-examine its past in order to produce a spirit of reconciliation. For Israel, this will mean honestly revisiting Zionism in order to confront what its triumph meant for the Palestinian inhabitants of the land. The Arabs must also seek a broader understanding of their role in the dispute and demonstrate forcefully to Israelis that they seek peace rather than retribution. Above all, if the US is to retain its role as mediator it must abandon its ??special relationship?? with Israel and return to a more genuinely?? even handed alignment with the broader international consensus on the dispute. As it stands, the US??s more or less unconditional support of Israel has the effect of leading Israelis and Palestinians ever further from peace even as an ever more empty ??peace process?? is rhetorically trumpeted abroad.

Cette étude porte sur l'impact du processus de paix en Irlande du Nord sur les partis politiques de la Province jusqu'à présent considérés comme radicaux : le D.U.P. et le Sinn Féin. Il s'agit d'identifier et d'analyser les changements stratégiques et politiques survenus au sein du D.U.P. et du Sinn Féin pendant le processus de paix afin d'aboutir à une entente politique en mai 2007, date de formation de l'Assemblée nord-irlandaise. Ainsi, nous tentons, d'une part, de démontrer comment le D.U.P. est passé du radicalisme politique et religieux à la modération, et, d'autre part, comment le Sinn Féin s'est distancé de la lutte armée de l'I.R.A. pour s'engager dans un combat exclusivement politique. Cette étude propose, dans un premier temps, d'identifier le statut du D.U.P. et du Sinn Féin sur la scène politique nord-irlandaise avant le processus de paix pour ensuite mettre en exergue les difficultés liées à la mise en place des accords de paix dans la province, compte tenu des divergences idéologiques de ces deux partis. Le rôle, les stratégies et le discours politique de ces deux partis pendant le processus de paix sont analysés afin de mieux comprendre leur perception des accords de paix mais également leur succès auprès des électeurs nord-irlandais. En effet, il est démontré que la stratégie politique du D.U.P. et du Sinn Féin pendant le processus de paix s'est avérée être efficace sur le plan électoral et a donc été synonyme de nouveaux enjeux politiques. En devenant les acteurs principaux des négociations sur l'avenir politique de l'Irlande du Nord, le D.U.P. et le Sinn Féin ont ainsi été contraints de participer, ensemble et de manière constructive, à la vie politique nord-irlandaise. Cette étude entend donc démontrer quels mécanismes diplomatiques et politiques ont contribué à transformer ces deux partis pour finalement les amener à partager le pouvoir politique en Irlande du Nord. / The present work is an attempt to examine the impact of the northern irish peace process on the DUP and Sinn Féin, since these two parties used to be considered as being radical ones. The author consequently analyses the political and strategic transformation of these two parties during the peace process which eventually permitted the formation of a mandatory coalition in May 2007 as well as the restoration of devolution in the Province. The aim of this study is therefore to demonstrate how the DUP shifted from political and religious radicalism to moderation and how the Republican Party dissociated itself from the IRA's armed struggle to embark on exclusively political activities. Three questions underlie our analysis: Considering their radical political beliefs, which role did these two parties play in northern irish politics before the peace process? What was their interpretation of the different peace treaties and what enabled them to appeal to the northern irish electorate? Finally, following their political success, how did they manage to deal with their new political responsibilities, namely sharing power in Northern Ireland? This study thus intends to reveal the diplomatic and strategic mechanisms that contributed to the transformation of these two parties over the last decades and how they succeded in sharing political power.

Latin American politics in recent years has caused a stir worldwide. Amid social uprisings, power fluctuations between opposing political thoughts, cases of corruption, and human rights violations, one of the cases that stands out the most in the region is the Colombian one. Colombia is a country that has experienced an internal conflict for more than 50 years, where numerous human rights violations have been perpetrated, by different actors within the war. This conflict has created not an internal bilateral war between guerrillas and the government but a multilateral one where paramilitary groups, drug trafficking gangs, and criminal gangs attack the government and each other, contributing negatively to the conflict within the country.The Colombian government managed to sign a peace agreement with the largest guerrilla group in the country (FARC-EP) to end the country's armed conflict, and for the peace agreements to serve as an example for possible dialogues with other armed groups outside the law so that peace involves everyone in Colombia. However, the results afterward are not the most favorable. Human rights violations persist, and in some specific cases, they have increased from what was reported before the signing of the treaty. We will analyze what these internal and external factors are to the conflict that has generated and still generate the violation of human rights in Colombia, despite having signed a peace agreement and having sold it to the world as the most important political achievement in its history, but which in practice is overshadowed by the continuous crimes that continue to be committed in this country.