The thesis seeks to steal only with a limited aspect of Engels' thesis on the relationship between drunkenness and industrialisation during the early 19th century - with the organisation, sources of support and leadership of the three liquor restrictionist campaigns before 1869 - the anti-spirits, teetotal, and prohibitionist movements. The attempt to solve the drink problem through the association of abstainers did not begun until the appearance of the anti-spirits movement in Britain in 1828-9. Although for centuries there had been individual abstainers, and even public campaigns against drunkenness, nobody had thought of founding a temperance society . Three recent social changes prepared the way for the early anti-spirits movement. Firstly, the gradual abandonment of drunkenness by fashionable society at least by the end of the 18th century, and the appearance of a sober labour aristocracy by the 1820s. Secondly,the sophistication after the late 18th century of techniques of public agitation; and thirdly the desire evinced by certain sections of society , partially pcvincial manufacturers and nonconformists, allied with labour aristocrats, for certain radical changes in the political and social system. The idea of anti-spirits association originated in America in the 1820s and soon reached Britain via the Anglo- American philanthropic network. Originating simultaneously in Glasgow with John Dunlop and in Belfast with Dr. John Edgar, the new movement soon spread to the North of England. By 1831 the British and Foreign Temperance Society had been established at Exeter Hall. In individual instances, religious zeal was the motivating force, but other factors seem to have made British society in the late 1820s receptive to temperance agitation. The suspicion that religious factors are not the only influences at work is suggested by two considerations: temperance was ardently recommended both by religious and irreligious opinion-formers, and the temperance movement appeared at the same time as many other pressures on working people to conserve their resources. Relevant factors seem to be the following. Taxation changes in the 1820s had prompted fears that a second "gin age" might be imminent; difficulties with the textile industries in the North seem to have increased the attractiveness of a movement which promised to extend the home market and discipline the work force. Manufacturers in the Northern cities showed some enthusiasm for the early anti-spirits movemaot. Thirdly, the cheapening and improved accessibility of non-intoxicating drinks made organised abstinence from intoxicants more feasible than at any earlier date. The first parliamentary inquiry into drunkenness was held in 1854, and although its recommendations were in many ways far-sighted, it was ridiculed by parliament and the press largely for two reasons: because of the unpopularity of its chairman, the radical J.S.Buckingham and of his associates on the committee - the Evangelicals. And secondly because the committee's long-term suggestions - notably prohibition - were mistaken for immediate recommendations, provincial society in the Northern industrial towns was more favourable than London opinion towards the committee and to its report.

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The threat of biological weapons has never attracted as much public attention as in the past five years. Current concerns largely relate to the threat of weapons acquisition and use by rogue states or by terrorists. But the threat has deeper roots--it has been evident for fifty years that biological agents could be used to cause mass casualties and large-scale economic damage. Yet there has been little historical analysis of such weapons over the past half-century. "Deadly Cultures" sets out to fill this gap by analyzing the historical developments since 1945 and addressing three central issues: Why have states continued or begun programs for acquiring biological weapons? Why have states terminated biological weapons programs? How have states demonstrated that they have truly terminated their biological weapons programs? We now live in a world in which the basic knowledge needed to develop biological weapons is more widely available than ever before. "Deadly Cultures" provides the lessons from history that we urgently need in order to strengthen the long-standing prohibition of biological weapons.

Abstract The theme of my research is spirits smuggling and its control on the northern coast of the Gulf of Bothnia during the prohibition. Smuggling is a crime in which required orders of importing and exporting goods are not followed. This research concentrates on the import of spirits (smuggling) and smuggling of spirits in the mainland. The research does not focus on other crimes against the prohibition such as selling, possession, storage and production of spirits. In this research I concentrate on smuggling as a social phenomenon. One of the most crucial questions in the research is to clarify how spirits smuggling was practised, by whom and why. The intention is to show how people tried to conceal the activity and how smuggling changed during the prohibition. I will also bring out how smuggling was seen in the work of the authorities and in life in general in the area in question. I present the smugglers according to their profession, age and place of domicile. In this way I try to draw up a picture of a "typical" smuggler during the prohibition. In the same context I debate what made people break the law so widely and in such a fragrant way? After the prohibition came into force spirits smuggling started quite slowly at the bottom of the Gulf of Bothnia. In 1924 the railways lost their position as the most important smuggling route. Maritime routes and spirits ships took their position. The main reason for this change was that bigger amounts of spirits could be brought to the region and could be delivered to other parts in the North of Finland. Because smuggling had moved to sea smugglers were obliged to think of good hiding places for spirits due to the great amounts of spirits. The sea and the islands were utilized in hiding the spirits. In the first years of the prohibition the proportion of local inhabitants was rather small. A typical smuggler was a worker under 30 years of age, from Helsinki, carrying some 20 litres of spirits. Together with the spirits ships smuggling changed into the hands of local people, because they were well acquainted with the sea, the islands and the shores of their region. The biggest vocational group of smugglers was that of working men. Economic profit both for the carrier and the boss was a great temptation for smuggling. There were great difficulties in controlling the prohibition immediately after the law had come into force. The attitude of the people becomes the biggest problem. General opinion did not consider prohibition necessary. Part of the citizens even favoured the actions of smugglers. The reason for this was their need of spirits.

The histories of nationalism and temperance in India were closely intertwined from their very inceptions. While the former is the topic of frequent study, the latter has rarely been examined--in fact, Indian temperance is often taken as an axiom. My dissertation argues that the Indian temperance movement, like the nation, was a timely innovation. It explains the specific history of why and how temperance activism came to be an important facet of the struggle for Indian independence. It will also show how this close relationship played out globally, when Indians exported nationalist sentiments abroad and when the cause of Indian self-rule became an unavoidable question in temperance journals and at temperance meetings in Britain and the United States. Both scholarly and popular works of history assume that alcoholic beverages were introduced into India by the British. I demonstrate that some Indians consumed alcoholic beverages on a large scale well before high colonialism, but that British rulers made drinking an issue for the first time when, in the 19th century, they introduced a new tax policy favoring the use of European-style liquors over those that had traditionally been produced in India. This resulted in a large protest movement in which thousands of drinking Indians refused to purchase Indian-made alcoholic beverages until the taxes on them were reduced. Early nationalists acknowledged that many Indians were drinkers and blamed their turn from milder to stronger forms of liquor on colonial administrators who determined alcohol policy. Yet within 50 years, assumptions had changed radically. Where Indian nationalists and temperance activists, often the very same people, had once championed access to less-costly alcohol for the drinking classes, they now argued that Indians had always been an abstemious "race" and fought for the total prohibition of all alcohol sales, making temperance compulsory for all Indians. This dissertation will provide a new and important frame for analysis of the Indian nationalist movement. By focusing on a single, yet important, strand within the larger nationalist movement, this dissertation reveals conflicts among nationalists and among those associated with the colonial state. Finally, this dissertation moves temperance from a mere footnote to its proper place as one of the key mass movements of the period, a discourse that influenced both Indian nationalism and the rhetorical content of global temperance activism. My work is predicated on the assumption that ideas and movements move across cultural and national boundaries. Thus while India remains the focus, this dissertation demonstrates that domestic political issues occur in, and are significantly influenced by, a global context.

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Exemptions from cartel prohibition English summary On 16 of December 2002 the European Commission adopted a Regulation Nr. 1/2003 on the implementation of the rules on competition laid down in Articles 81 and 82 of the Treaty which was revolutionary as it has totally changed the way of obtaining a legal exemption from a prohibition of cartel agreements contained in an article 81 section 1 of the EC Treaty. Before the Regulation the Commission granted its approval for exempting certain types of agreements which fulfilled the conditions under the article 81 section 3 of the EC Treaty, i.e. if they contribute to improving the production or distribution of goods or to promoting technical or economic progress, while allowing consumers a fair share of the resulting benefit, and which does not impose on the undertakings concerned restrictions which are not indispensable to the attainment of these objectives and afford such undertakings the possibility of eliminating competition in respect of a substantive part of the products in question. A weak point of such a regulation was that the Commission was permanently overloaded by numerous demands for declaration of inapplicability of a cartel prohibition. Therefore there was strong need to modify the system in order to make the work of the Commission more effective....

The thesis is devoted to analyzing the market of drugs coming from Latin American countries, their production, distribution as well as final consumption. It focuses on the impact of the current state of drug prohibition and the possible effects of legalization of drugs in the country of production and consumption.

OF THE THESIS Name: Bc. Veronika Coufalová, DiS. Specialization: Adictology Head of the thesis: Mgr. Jaroslav Vacek Opponent: Ing., Mgr., Bc. Vendula Běláčková Pages: 83 The name of the thesis: EFFECT OF PARTIAL PROHIBITION ON RESTAURANTS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF EMPLOYEES: A QUALITATIVE INVESTIGATION This thesis deals with how the prohibition reflected in the attitudes and behavior of employees and the behavior of consumers in restaurants and bars. The theoretical part is focused on the main substances alcohol and methanol, next on the related topics methanol cases and related facts in criminology. Another chapter is aimed at the prohibition in the country. The research was carried out through qualitative methods of data collection, which was formulated in the form of interviews, which were designed according to the draft of the questionnaire. This research was anonymous, respondents were informed of the ethical rules and the possibility of withdrawing from the research file. Next were used methods expert estimates for research changes in behavior and the method of triangulation. In the research was included 30 restaurants and bars selected nomination technique. Results are evaluated on the basis of data transferred from the audio recording into Excel spreadsheets, where it was possible to insert...

The American movie industry did not have to develop into the Hollywood dream factory. There were educative, religious, explicitly political, and other non-commercial alternative arrangements to America’s film industry. These alternatives, along with principles such as film free speech and movie propaganda, had to be cast aside by the emerging moguls of Hollywood. Conflicts with the vanquished liquor industries, moral and economic regulatory concerns, Republican Party politics, and the resurgent Klan all shaped the classic Hollywood system from 1906 to 1927, a 20-year period in which the American film industry depoliticized the Hollywood movie screen, shedding its democratic and propagandistic definitions for the politics of publicity and entertainment as a service to Americans. Developments in this infant industry also shaped the broader trajectory of American consumer capitalism toward big producer control and the self-regulation of the industry’s social effects.