This thesis considers the ways in which Australia has been publicly represented in ten Asian societies in the twentieth century. It shows how these representations are at odds with Australian opinion leaders’ assertions about being a multicultural society, with their claims about engagement with Asia, and with their understanding of what is ‘typically’ Australian. It reviews the emergence and development of Asian regionalism in the twentieth century, and considers how Occidentalist strategies have come to be used to exclude and marginalise Australia. A historical survey outlines the origins of representations of Australia in each of the ten Asian countries, detecting the enduring influence both of past perceptions and of the interests of each country’s opinion leaders. Three test cases evaluate these findings in the light of events in the late twentieth century: the first considers the response in the region to the One Nation party, the second compares that with opinion leaders’ reaction to the crisis in East Timor; and the third presents a synthesis of recent Asian Australian fiction and what it reveals about Asian representations of Australia from inside Australian society. The thesis concludes that Australian policies and practices enable opinion leaders in the ten countries to construct representations of Australia in accordance with their own priorities and concerns, and in response to their agendas of Occidentalism, racism, and regionalism.

<p>This research paper pays particular attention to the EAC because of its unique composition of four LDCs46 and 1 DC47 and the fact that three of these countries are landlocked least developed countries (LLDCs).48 The EAC was notified as a RTA to the WTO under the Enabling Clause on 9 October 2000 and registered as a Custom Union49 under WT/COMTD/N/14.50 The notification of the EAC under the Enabling Clause is due to the nature of composition of members therein and to the fact that the Enabling Clause does not require regional trading arrangements to cover substantially all trade, or to achieve free trade in the bloc within ten years after notification. Additionally, it provides an avenue for giving special consideration to the LDCs through making concessions and contributions,51 allows automatic exemptions from MFN (non-discrimination) treatment in favour of DCs,52 and thus allows other WTO members to accord more favourable treatment to DCs in many cases without according the same treatment to other WTO members.53.</p>

<p>The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed</p>

Depuis quelque temps, au Japon, on utilise de plus en plus le terme « Kansaï » pour désigner la région du Kinki (littéralement « le voisinage de la capitale »). Cette thèse propose d’analyser l’émergence de cette entité régionale et de son discours culturel dans le but de pallier le manque de recherches antérieures sur la diversité socioculturelle et le régionalisme au Japon. Il y existe, d’une part, une volonté de considérer le Japon comme une entité homogène, et d’autre part, un contexte dans lequel le Japon lui-même prône l’homogénéité de son peuple. Historiquement, ces énoncés ont été réfutés à plusieurs reprises par différents chercheurs et organismes. Entre-temps, sur le plan régional, la diversité devient de moins en moins clairement observable dû à l’urbanisation, aux moyens de transport, à la migration interne et au développement des médias de masse. Cette situation à l'époque post-industrielle a engendré aujourd’hui le discours régionaliste du Kansaï. Dans ce contexte, cette étude porte spécifiquement sur le discours culturel concernant la région et la population du Kansaï, c’est-à-dire la région Kinki, où étaient situés les anciennes capitales et le berceau de l’État japonais du Yamato. On observe une modification et une transformation de cette région depuis l’époque Tokugawa. À partir de l’époque Meiji, l'intégration spatiale de l’archipel japonais est devenue indissociable de l’émergence de l’État soi-disant « moderne ». En outre, une distinction existe toujours entre le Japon de l’Ouest (Kansaï) et le Japon de l’Est (Kantō) qui repose sur des différences de coutumes et de mentalités, ainsi que sur des variations linguistiques : une dichotomie mieux représentée de nos jours par l’opposition entre les villes d’Osaka et de Tokyo. Aujourd’hui, le Japon permettre une centralisation continuelle à Tokyo et l’équilibre du pouvoir sur le plan économique s’en trouve fragilisé. Dans cette thèse, j’examine l’émergence de l’entité Kansaï dans ce contexte socio-économique, depuis l’arrivée du phénomène que les Kansaïens appellent « l’affaissement de terrain » du Kansaï, le jibanchinka, jusqu’aux revendications récentes pour l’introduction d’un système quasi-fédéraliste, le dōshū-sei, dans le contexte du développement régional déséquilibré du pays. En m'appuyant sur mon enquête effectuée sur terrain auprès des gens du Kansaï, je soutiens que leur discours régionaliste est bel et bien existant, mais ne repose pas sur l’homogénéité de la région. Il repose plutôt sur la position du Kansaï en tant qu’antithèse à la tendance centralisatrice perçue par les Kansaïens comme étant plutôt de nature tokyoïte. Leur discours met l’accent sur la diversité existant à l’intérieur même de la région tout en soulignant que celle-ci constitue l’entité kansaïenne. Mots-clés : Japon, Kinki, Kansai, Osaka, Nihonjinron, région, villes, discours culturel, État-nation, multiculturalisme, Oda Sakunosuke, Tanizaki Jun’ichiro. / In recent times, we hear more and more the word "Kansai" to designate the Japanese region of Kinki (literally ‘the neighborhood of the capital’). This thesis proposes to analyze the emergence of this regional entity and its cultural discourse to compensate for the lack of previous research on the socio-cultural variety and the regionalism of Japan. In the current situation, on one hand, some wish to consider Japan as a homogenous entity, and on the other hand, Japan it-self considers its people as homogenous. Historically, these views were refuted several times by researchers and organisms. In the meantime, the regional variation becomes less and less clearly observable because of the urbanization, the progress made in transportation systems, the internal migration and the development of mass media. It is in this post-industrial era however that the regionalist discourse of Kansaï emerged. In this context, this study focuses on the cultural discourse regarding the region and the people of Kansai, that is the Kinki region, where were situated the old capitals and the cradle of the Yamato state, and on which one observes an alteration and a transformation of its description starting at the Tokugawa era. Since Meiji era, the spatial integration of the Japanese archipelago has become inseparable from the emergence of the so-called "modern" state. In addition, a division between Western Japan (Kansai) and Eastern Japan continues to exist for their differences in customs, linguistic variations and mentality: a dichotomy better represented by the current opposition between the cities of Osaka and Tokyo. Today, Japan experiences a continual centralization around Tokyo and the balance of power on the economic level is being undermined. I examine the emergence of the Kansai entity by analyzing its economic and social context, from the arrival of the phenomenon the Kansaï people call jibanchinka (the "land subsidence" of Kansaï) until the recent demands for the introduction of a quasi-federalism system called dōshū-sei in the context of unbalanced regional development of Japan. Resting on my investigation carried out in Kansai, I argue that their regionalist aspiration exists, but does not stand for the homogeneity of the region as a whole. Rather, they ground on its position as an antithesis to the centralizing approach they perceive as being rather Tokyoite in nature. Their discourse inevitably emphasizes the variety existing within the region itself, while underlining the fact that this is what constitutes the Kansai.

Il lavoro indaga lo sviluppo del principio di autonomia nella teoria e nelle prassi del regionalismo italiano, con lo scopo di dimostrare come oggi risulta piuttosto difficile individuare un modello preciso per l’Italia. Il regionalismo, infatti, è sempre stato considerato come fattore strumentale a perseguire obiettivi estranei all’autonomia, senza però trovare un adeguato riscontro nel concreto assetto dei rapporti tra centro e periferia. Come lo studio ha cercato di dimostrare, le motivazioni di tale difficoltà, di natura storica e, soprattutto, politica, si possono rintracciare ripercorrendo le tappe del movimento regionalista: dal periodo risorgimentale di formazione dello Stato italiano alla Costituente; dalla lunga fase di inattuazione delle Regioni alle riforme costituzionali del 1999 e del 2001. Dal quadro attuale emerge un diritto regionale “confuso”, immagine sbiadita (e stravolta) del disegno realizzato a grandi linee – e frettolosamente – con la modifica del Titolo V della Costituzione. La realtà dimostra che, per valorizzare il principio di autonomia regionale, occorrerebbe un cambiamento culturale nella classe dirigente italiana. Se ciò non dovesse accadere, il regionalismo (o, come confusamente viene oggi chiamato, il federalismo) rimarrebbe ancora a lungo privo di un modello. / The study investigates the development of the autonomy principle in the theory and praxis of the Italian regionalism. It aims at demonstrating the difficulty in finding an adequate model to Italy nowadays. In fact, regionalism has always been considered as an instrument to reach goals that are extrinsic to autonomy. Nevertheless, it is not to be found in the concrete structure of the relationship between State and regions. As the study intend to focus on, the historical and mainly political reasons can be found by following the different steps of the regionalist movement: from the Risorgimento, when the Italian state was born, to the Costituente; from the long period of failure in the realization of the regions to the constitutional reforms in 1999 and 2001. The current situation shows a “confused” regional law, a faded and upset image of the project hastily outlined by modifying the Titolo V of the Constitution. It is a matter of fact that a cultural change in the Italian ruling-class should be necessary in order to evaluate the principle of regional autonomy. Otherwise, regionalism (or federalism, as it is confusedly called today) would remain without a model for a long time.

<p>This research paper pays particular attention to the EAC because of its unique composition of four LDCs46 and 1 DC47 and the fact that three of these countries are landlocked least developed countries (LLDCs).48 The EAC was notified as a RTA to the WTO under the Enabling Clause on 9 October 2000 and registered as a Custom Union49 under WT/COMTD/N/14.50 The notification of the EAC under the Enabling Clause is due to the nature of composition of members therein and to the fact that the Enabling Clause does not require regional trading arrangements to cover substantially all trade, or to achieve free trade in the bloc within ten years after notification. Additionally, it provides an avenue for giving special consideration to the LDCs through making concessions and contributions,51 allows automatic exemptions from MFN (non-discrimination) treatment in favour of DCs,52 and thus allows other WTO members to accord more favourable treatment to DCs in many cases without according the same treatment to other WTO members.53.</p>

<p>The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed</p>

The overall purpose of this dissertation is to provide an empirical study of the post-Cold War EastAsian security setting, with the aim of understanding why there is an East Asian peace. The EastAsian peace exists in a region with a history of militarised conflicts, home to many of the world'slongest ongoing militarised problems and a number of unresolved critical flashpoints. Thus, thepost-Cold War East Asian inter-state peace is a paradox. Despite being a region predicted to be ripefor conflict, there have not only been less wars than expected, but the region also shows severalsigns of a development towards a more durable peace. The dominant research paradigm –neorealism – has painted a gloomy picture of post-Cold War East Asia, with perpetual conflictsdominating the predictions. Other mainstream international relations theories, too, fail to accountfully for the relative peace. One of the greatest problems for mainstream theories, is accounting forpeace given East Asia's lack of security organisations or other formalised conflict managementmechanisms. Given this paradox/problem, this dissertation sets out to ask "Why is there a relativepeace in the East Asian security setting despite an absence of security organisations or otherformalised mechanisms to prevent existing conflicts from escalating into violence?" In order to answer this question, the case of East Asian peace is approached by comparingthree embedded case studies within the region: the Taiwan issue, the South China Sea, and theKorean nuclear conflict. It explores the full range of informal and formal processes plus the ConflictPrevention and Peacebuilding Mechanisms (CPPBMs) that have been important for the creation ofa continuing relative peace in East Asia between 1990 and 2008. The study furthermore focuses onChina's role in the three cases, on an empirical basis consisting of interviews conducted with keypersons during more than 1.5 years fieldwork in China. The three cases show that informal processes exist, and that they have furthermore beenimportant for peace, both by preventing conflicts from escalating into war, and by buildingconditions for a stable longer-term peace. Their impact on the persistence of peace has been tracedto a range of different CPPBMs. Returning to the level of the East Asian case, a common feature ofmany of the identified processes is that they can be understood as aspects or manifestations of theEast Asian regionalisation process. Specifically, elite interactions (personal networks, track twodiplomacy), back-channel negotiations, economic interdependence and integration, and functionalcooperation have together with (China's acceptance of) multilateralism and institutionalisation (ofpeaceful relations) been of high importance for the relative peace. Whereas formalised conflictmanagement mechanisms and the U.S. presence have also contributed to peace, this dissertationshows their contribution to be much more limited.

The vibrant school of printmaking which emerged and flourished in New Zealand between 1900 and 1950 forms the subject of this thesis. It examines the attitudes of the printmakers, many of whom regarded the print as the most democratic of art forms and one that should reflect the realities of everyday life. Their subject matter, contemporary city scenes, people at work and leisure, local landscapes, Maori and indigenous flora and fauna, is analysed and revealed as anticipating by over a decade that of regionalist painters. They are also identified as the first New Zealand artists to draw attention to social and environmental issues. Trained under the British South Kensington art education system, New Zealand printmakers placed great importance on craftsmanship. Although some worked in a realist style others experimented with abstraction and surrealism, placing them among the forefront of New Zealand artists receptive to modern art. Expatriate New Zealand printmakers played significant roles in three major printmaking movements abroad, the Artists' International Alliance, Atelier 17 and the Claude Flight Linocut Movement. The thesis redresses the failure of existing histories of New Zealand art to recognise the existence of a major twentieth-century art movement. It identifies the main factors contributing to the low status of printmaking in New Zealand. Commercial artists rather than those with a fine arts background led the Quoin Club, which initiated a New Zealand school of printmaking in 1916; Gordon Tovey's overthrow of the South Kensington system in 1945 devalued the craftsmanship so important to printmakers; and the rise of modernism, which gave priority to formal values and abstraction, further exacerbated institutional indifference to the print. The adoption of Maori imagery by printmakers resulted in recent art historians retrospectively accusing them of cultural appropriation. Even the few printmakers who attained some recognition were criticised for their involvement in textile and bookplate design and book-illustration. Key artists discussed in the thesis include James Boswell, Stephen Champ, Frederick Coventry, Rona Dyer, Arnold Goodwin, Thomas Gulliver, Trevor Lloyd, Stewart Maclennan, Gilbert Meadows, John L. Moore, E. Mervyn Taylor, Arthur Thompson, Herbert Tornquist, Frank Weitzel, Hilda Wiseman, George Woods, John Buckland Wright and Adele Younghusband. Details of the approximately 3,000 prints created during this period are recorded in a database, and summarised in the Printmakers' Survey included in Volume Two. In addition reproductions of 156 prints are illustrated and documented; while a further 43 prints are reproduced within the text of Volume One.

At the turn of the twentieth century, apples served as a catalyst for far-reaching social and environmental change in the North American West. As people debated the future of North American society as a rural or urban civilization, rural advocates found their answer in horticulture. Steadfast in their conviction that urban environments were corrupt, immoral, and disordered, people on both sides of the international boundary engaged in a boisterous promotional campaign that culminated with the creation of an orcharding landscape that spanned British Columbia, Washington State, and Oregon. Consequently, countless communities found new purpose or came into existence organized around the cultivation of apples and other assorted fruits. Fully aware of negative stereotypes that depicted farming as backwards and unfulfilling, horticulturists argued that fruit farming would lead to the creation of a modern countryside. Guided by scientific agriculture, refined and intelligent settlers would transform rural life by uniting in partnership with “Dame Nature,” leading to bountiful harvests as nature was finished to its “intended end.” As a result, the orcharding landscape would organize an alternative modernity that stood in juxtaposition to the urban-industrial axis of development. Despite their location in different political projects, fruit farmers on either side of the International Boundary bore striking affinities that were affirmed and reinforced through publications, associations, exhibitions, and educational initiatives, underlining the significance of the border as a vantage to appreciate divisions as well as continuities. While the creation of a modern countryside was sustained by high hopes, growers did not anticipate that nature’s bounty would in many instances stand as a curse rather than a blessing. Through two world wars, growers wrestled with the changing contours of rural life, particularly as it related to rural growth. While orcharding endured, its original conception as the nucleus of a progressive and middle class rural society did not.