In their review, Remedios and Snyder (2015) articulated how models of stigma fall short of explaining stigmatization of women of color, because they do not consider intersectionality of multiple stigmatized identities. Using the example of the intersection of race and gender, they reviewed literature on how targets of stigma detect and respond to prejudice (making prejudice attributions, the role of identity processes such as centrality), highlighting the complexity of these processes once multiple identities (namely non-prototypical categories of race and gender) are considered. In response, we provide more in depth discussion of the challenges to inclusion and intersectionality including current and traditional psychological science approaches and the perceived politicization of intersectional research, as well as the complexity of integrating multiple identities (social class, sexual orientation and gender diversity) into stigma research, including recruitment, measurement, and analysis. We offer practical suggestions in the areas of recruitment, measurement, and analysis, to facilitate more inclusive and intersectional research, given that such work would provide a more complete understanding of the experience of stigma.

Sexual minority individuals (lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals) suffer from stigmatization, or minority stress, which often predicts negative mental health outcomes and low self-esteem. However, specific dimensions of identity (e.g., centrality and regard) may buffer against these negative outcomes in racial minorities and other stigmatized groups, including sexual minorities. Indeed, research in other stigmatized populations has found evidence for the protective properties of identity. Yet, limited research has examined dimensions of identity that buffer or protect sexual minorities. This study aimed to explore the moderating role of identity characteristics in the relation between sexual stigma and mental health outcomes. Findings in a sample of 209 gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals suggested that public stigma, centrality, and private regard predict psychological distress, but did not support a moderation model. Private regard emerged as a predictor of self-esteem as well. Additionally, centrality and public stigma interacted in such a way that those who reported higher centrality of sexual orientation identity did not report decrements to self-esteem in the face of public stigma to the same extent as those who reported lower centrality of sexual orientation identity. All of these suggest centrality and private regard as key factors in the psychological well-being of sexual minorities and should further be explored.

Sexual minority individuals (lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals) suffer from stigmatization, or minority stress, which often predicts negative mental health outcomes and low self-esteem. However, specific dimensions of identity (e.g., centrality and regard) may buffer against these negative outcomes in racial minorities and other stigmatized groups, including sexual minorities. Indeed, research in other stigmatized populations has found evidence for the protective properties of identity. Yet, limited research has examined dimensions of identity that buffer or protect sexual minorities. This study aimed to explore the moderating role of identity characteristics in the relation between sexual stigma and mental health outcomes. Findings in a sample of 209 gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals suggested that public stigma, centrality, and private regard predict psychological distress, but did not support a moderation model. Private regard emerged as a predictor of self-esteem as well. Additionally, centrality and public stigma interacted in such a way that those who reported higher centrality of sexual orientation identity did not report decrements to self-esteem in the face of public stigma to the same extent as those who reported lower centrality of sexual orientation identity. All of these suggest centrality and private regard as key factors in the psychological well-being of sexual minorities and should further be explored.

No description available.

This study uses a constructivist grounded theory approach to investigate the meaning of “coming out” for LGBQ individuals. Analysis of open-ended interviews with 30 LGBQ persons revealed three main themes. First, coming out does not have a universal meaning among LGBQ persons; rather, it varies on the basis of an individual’s experiences, social environment, and personal beliefs and values. Coming out is a transformative process, and an important element in identity formation and maintenance. Second, despite being attracted only to members of the same sex, ten interviewees engaged in a queer apologetic, a kind of identity compromise whereby individuals disclose a bisexual identity that they believe satisfies their personal attractions for only members of the same sex and society’s expectation that they be attracted to members of the opposite sex. Third, both gender conformity (e.g., female=feminine) and gender non-conformity (e.g., female=masculine) present unique challenges to coming out. Because they are assumed to be straight, gender conformists must make a more concerted effort to come out. Gender non-conformists may experience greater ease coming out broadly because they are “assumed gay,” but they also experience greater opposition from family and friends who resist gender non-conformity. This study provides important insight into the meaning of coming out as well the influences of heteronormativity and gender presentation on coming out. Implication and recommendations for future research are included.

No description available.

Wilderness therapy is an emerging treatment modality that integrates nature with evidence-based therapeutic treatments (Russell, 2001). A growing body of literature continues to support its effectiveness with adolescents and young adults (Bowen & Neill, 2013; Curtis et al., 2018; Hoag et al., 2013); however, little research has been conducted on the experiences of its LGBTQIAP+ (“queer”) participants. Such an absence is noteworthy because the percentage of queer wilderness therapy students might be as high as 18% (Wright et al., 2017) and given that queer individuals experience minority stress (Meyer, 2003), which is correlated with negative psychological outcomes (Baams et al., 2015; Mereish et al., 2019; Tebbe & Moradi, 2016). This dissertation fills the gap in the literature by using pre-existing data collected by the Outdoor Behavioral Healthcare Council (OBHC) and the National Association for Therapeutic Schools and Programs (NATSAP) to examine the mental health outcomes of young adult (ages 18-25) wilderness therapy students using the Outcomes Questionnaire 45.2 (OQ 45.2; Lambert & Burlingame, 1996). With a sample of 379 queer and non-queer wilderness therapy graduates, this study found that queer young adults’ intake OQ 45.2 scores were statistically similar to those of straight young adults. It was also found that queer young adults’ OQ 45.2 discharge scores were statistically significantly lower than their intake scores, indicating a reduction in psychological distress. This dissertation also examined preliminary post-wilderness therapy data, interpreted all results as they relate to clinical work and research, and concluded by offering next steps for treating queer young adults enrolled in wilderness therapy programs.

By the year 2030, 20% of the U.S. population will be 65 years of age or older. An increase in the demand for supportive health and social services is expected with the aging of the population. Demand for senior housing is expected to grow, too. This study explores what the social environment offers to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) seniors who relocated to LGBT retirement communities. Previous research asked LGBT seniors who did not live in LGBT senior housing about their housing preferences. The present study, for the first time, asked residents of existing LGBT senior living communities to explain why they chose to live in an LGBT retirement community. Focus groups were conducted at three retirement communities. Thirty-eight residents at the three study sites participated. Seven focus groups were conducted; each was audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. The analysis found common categories across the focus group data that explain the phenomenon of LGBT senior housing. The average age of the participants was 71. Demographic differences were found between generations, with the older participants being more likely to have revealed their sexual orientation late in life, and more likely to have been married and have children. The findings showed that acceptance by other residents of one's sexual orientation and gender identity allows LGBT seniors to feel comfortable in what several residents called their "domestic environment." The questions asked about housing choice and were open ended; respondents chose to focus on the social aspect of their living environments. Acceptance, as opposed to tolerance, was a strong theme. Acceptance by others reduced stress and fostered a feeling of safety and a sense of community. Social networks were strong and expansive, contrary to the theory of socioemotional selectivity theory, which would argue that the total number social relationships diminishes with age. Participants emphasized the social context of their living environment as the reason they chose to live in LGBT senior housing. Participants noted past discrimination, but it was the positive aspects resulting from acceptance that were emphasized as the reason for their choice of LGBT specific retirement housing.

Sexual minorities experience higher levels of stress than heterosexuals, which in turn affects coping and psychological quality of life (PQOL). Although many sexual minorities remain mentally healthy, a higher prevalence of mental disorders among members of the lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) communities exists; thus, LGB PQOL becomes an important area to examine. Several key factors are related to PQOL: shame due to heterosexism, self-esteem and perceived stress. Using minority stress model, I hypothesized that shame due to heterosexism and perceived stress are negatively correlated with PQOL, while self-esteem is positively correlated with PQOL. I hypothesized that collectively shame due to heterosexism, self-esteem and perceived stress account for a significant proportion of the variance in PQOL, that self-esteem moderates the relationship between perceived stress and PQOL and that age moderates the relationship between shame due to heterosexism and PQOL. I calculated Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient and found shame due to heterosexism was negatively correlated with PQOL (r(146) = -.21, p = .009), perceived stress was negatively correlated with PQOL (r (146) = -.69, p < .001) and self-esteem was positively correlated with PQOL (r(146) = .72, p < .001). I conducted a regression analysis and found our model accounted for 59% of the variance in PQOL (adj. R2 = .59, F(3, 144) = 68.88, p < .001). Self-esteem did moderate the relationship between perceived stress and PQOL (p = .029), but age did not moderate the relationship between shame due to heterosexism and PQOL. Results suggest perceived stress and self-esteem play key roles in sexual minorities’ PQOL. Implications are discussed.

The purpose of this study was to explore the religion – health link in a sample of adults and undergraduate students (N = 555) that identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB), and to explore how perceptions of cultural humility of religious individuals and groups toward LGB individuals affect the relationship between religion and health. First, I found religious commitment among LGB individuals was positively correlated with satisfaction in life, but it was negatively correlated with physical health. Second, I found that cultural humility moderated the relationship between religious commitment and satisfaction in life for LGB individuals involved in a religious community. The lowest levels of satisfaction with life were found for individuals with low religious commitment and perceived the cultural humility of their religious community to be low. However, cultural humility did not moderate the relationship between religious commitment and mental and physical health outcomes. Third, I found cultural humility did not moderate the relationship between religious commitment and minority stress (i.e., internalized homophobia). Fourth, I found that cultural humility was a significant positive predictor of motivations to forgive a hurt caused by a religious individual. I conclude by discussing limitations, areas for future research, and implications for counseling.