Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2007. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 51 p. : ill. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 28-32).

Humans have an innate need to evaluate themselves and their progress toward life goals and they fulfill this need by comparing themselves to others. One way in which individuals conduct social comparisons is by comparing their possessions with the possessions of others. Prior literature suggests that consumers purchase and conspicuously use brands, not only for their functional benefits, but also for their psychological benefits. These psychological benefits can include reaffirmation of one’s status or group membership and increased self-esteem. Although previous research shows that social comparisons can influence consumer attitudes and behavior, it has focused primarily on the negative consequences of upward comparisons and the positive consequences of downward comparisons in the pre-purchase context. Because consumers do not stop conducting social comparisons once they purchase a brand, it is important to understand how social comparisons affect consumer attitudes and behavioral intentions in a post-purchase context. Additionally, little research has addressed how factors such as a brand’s concept and whether the brand will be used in public (vs. private) affect the relationship between the direction of social comparisons and consumer attitudes and behavioral intentions. This dissertation is focused on filling these gaps by looking at the potentially negative effects of downward comparisons and potentially positive effects of upward comparisons on consumer post-purchase attitudes and behavioral intentions. Specifically, this dissertation examines how observing an unsuccessful (successful) other using the same brand affects consumer attitudes toward the brand, preferences for conspicuous consumption, and repurchase intentions. This dissertation also examines how a brand’s concept and whether the brand is used primarily in public vs. private moderates this relationship. Unlike previous research that shows social comparisons can influence people’s preferences in a pre-purchase context, this research investigated how social comparisons influence people’s attitudes and behavioral intentions in the post-purchase context. Specifically, I examined how people’s attitudes and behavioral intentions towards brands they already own can differ based upon the direction of social comparisons. An examination of social comparison’s effects in the post-purchase context is important given the benefits that repeat and loyal customers provide firms. Results indicate that consumer post-purchase brand attitudes, repurchase intentions, and preferences for conspicuous consumption differ based upon the direction of social comparison. This indicates that attitudes and behavioral intentions can change based upon the direction of the comparison. Results also indicate that the effects of social comparisons on consumer attitudes and behavior are significant for symbolic brands but not for functional brands. Results also indicate that the effects of social comparisons on consumer attitudes and behavior are significant for public brands but not private brands. Finally, results indicate that perceived similarity between a consumer and comparison target mediates the relationship between social comparison and consumer attitudes and behavior. Theoretically, this research adds to the social comparison literature by showing the potentially negative consequences of downward comparisons on consumer attitudes and behavioral attitudes in the post-purchase context. It is also among the first to examine how a brand's concept interacts with the direction of a social comparison. Managerially, this research draws managers' attention to the importance of keeping brand concepts consistent.

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The current study examines the construct of relationship social comparison orientation, which deals with an individual's propensity to compare his or her romantic relationship to that of others' romantic relationships on various dimensions, in both dating and married samples. The study also examines the role of relationship uncertainty and self uncertainty as an inducement or precondition to relationship comparison tendencies in both groups. 204 married individuals were recruited through The University of Iowa employee pool and 270 dating individuals were recruited to participate using the Elementary Psychology research pool. Dating and married individuals completed questionnaires related to relationship social comparison orientation, general social comparison orientation, and personality traits. A subset of married individuals' spouses also completed questionnaires to report as informants on their partners' relationship comparison tendencies, general social comparison orientation and personality. Findings show that married individuals report higher levels of relationship and self certainty and satisfaction than dating individuals. Factor analyses of the Relationship Social Comparison Measure (RSCM; Smith LeBeau & Buckingham, 2008) and relationship comparison tendencies items produced an interpretable and replicable three factor structure, in both samples, of: 1) general relational comparisons, 2) relational comparisons with positive affect and 3) relational comparisons with negative affect. Dating individuals reported more frequent engagement in general relational comparisons and relational comparisons with negative affect. General relational comparisons and negative affect relational comparisons factor scales were significantly, negatively associated with satisfaction in both dating and married samples; in contrast, however, general social comparison orientation was unrelated to satisfaction. Findings, additionally, show significant convergence on self-reported and spouse ratings of personality, in the married sample, for Big 5 traits as well as for relational comparison tendencies and general social comparison orientation. Positive affect relational comparisons were found to have a small positive association with satisfaction, suggesting that some comparison processes are not maladaptive and may serve to bolster relationship functioning.

This research examined the role that idealised image characteristics have in determining post-exposure body image and amount of self-reported social comparisons. This was tested by exposing female undergraduate students to media-portrayed idealised images that varied in their level of relevance, salience, or attainability. A negative impact of these images was indicated by greater post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation inaccuracy. In contrast, a positive impact was considered to have occurred when body dissatisfaction decreased and body size estimation was more accurate. If the images had a neutral impact on body image, one would expect little difference between groups or over time. A further aim was to determine whether a higher level of trait tendency to compare was related to more negative responding at post-exposure. In addition, thin ideal internalisation and restraint were examined as possible moderators. Studies 1, 2a, 2b, and 3 indicated that idealised image relevance and salience had little differential impact on post-exposure body image. That is, exposure to thin idealised images, irrespective of the salience and relevance manipulations, resulted in similar post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation. In contrast to this, the attainability of the image seemed to influence post-exposure responding, at least in terms of body size estimation (Study 4). Higher trait tendency to compare was associated with a greater amount of self-reported comparison with the images, but had little impact on body image. Surprisingly, these results were not moderated by thin ideal internalisation or restraint. The role of individual differences was explored with additional analyses in Study 5, which revealed that, when the power is sufficient, thin ideal internalisation, restraint, and self-reported comparisons with the images predicted post-exposure body dissatisfaction, but not body size estimation. Overall, this program of research suggests that idealised image features do not play a vital differential role in determining post-exposure body image, unless it is the body itself that is being manipulated. Results from this research support the idea that the mere presence of an idealised body is sufficient to activate negative responses, and there was little, if any, evidence for the occurrence of positive responses. These findings are discussed in terms of social comparison and schema theory, and in terms of their practical implications.

This research examined the role that idealised image characteristics have in determining post-exposure body image and amount of self-reported social comparisons. This was tested by exposing female undergraduate students to media-portrayed idealised images that varied in their level of relevance, salience, or attainability. A negative impact of these images was indicated by greater post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation inaccuracy. In contrast, a positive impact was considered to have occurred when body dissatisfaction decreased and body size estimation was more accurate. If the images had a neutral impact on body image, one would expect little difference between groups or over time. A further aim was to determine whether a higher level of trait tendency to compare was related to more negative responding at post-exposure. In addition, thin ideal internalisation and restraint were examined as possible moderators. Studies 1, 2a, 2b, and 3 indicated that idealised image relevance and salience had little differential impact on post-exposure body image. That is, exposure to thin idealised images, irrespective of the salience and relevance manipulations, resulted in similar post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation. In contrast to this, the attainability of the image seemed to influence post-exposure responding, at least in terms of body size estimation (Study 4). Higher trait tendency to compare was associated with a greater amount of self-reported comparison with the images, but had little impact on body image. Surprisingly, these results were not moderated by thin ideal internalisation or restraint. The role of individual differences was explored with additional analyses in Study 5, which revealed that, when the power is sufficient, thin ideal internalisation, restraint, and self-reported comparisons with the images predicted post-exposure body dissatisfaction, but not body size estimation. Overall, this program of research suggests that idealised image features do not play a vital differential role in determining post-exposure body image, unless it is the body itself that is being manipulated. Results from this research support the idea that the mere presence of an idealised body is sufficient to activate negative responses, and there was little, if any, evidence for the occurrence of positive responses. These findings are discussed in terms of social comparison and schema theory, and in terms of their practical implications.

This research examined the role that idealised image characteristics have in determining post-exposure body image and amount of self-reported social comparisons. This was tested by exposing female undergraduate students to media-portrayed idealised images that varied in their level of relevance, salience, or attainability. A negative impact of these images was indicated by greater post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation inaccuracy. In contrast, a positive impact was considered to have occurred when body dissatisfaction decreased and body size estimation was more accurate. If the images had a neutral impact on body image, one would expect little difference between groups or over time. A further aim was to determine whether a higher level of trait tendency to compare was related to more negative responding at post-exposure. In addition, thin ideal internalisation and restraint were examined as possible moderators. Studies 1, 2a, 2b, and 3 indicated that idealised image relevance and salience had little differential impact on post-exposure body image. That is, exposure to thin idealised images, irrespective of the salience and relevance manipulations, resulted in similar post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation. In contrast to this, the attainability of the image seemed to influence post-exposure responding, at least in terms of body size estimation (Study 4). Higher trait tendency to compare was associated with a greater amount of self-reported comparison with the images, but had little impact on body image. Surprisingly, these results were not moderated by thin ideal internalisation or restraint. The role of individual differences was explored with additional analyses in Study 5, which revealed that, when the power is sufficient, thin ideal internalisation, restraint, and self-reported comparisons with the images predicted post-exposure body dissatisfaction, but not body size estimation. Overall, this program of research suggests that idealised image features do not play a vital differential role in determining post-exposure body image, unless it is the body itself that is being manipulated. Results from this research support the idea that the mere presence of an idealised body is sufficient to activate negative responses, and there was little, if any, evidence for the occurrence of positive responses. These findings are discussed in terms of social comparison and schema theory, and in terms of their practical implications.

This research examined the role that idealised image characteristics have in determining post-exposure body image and amount of self-reported social comparisons. This was tested by exposing female undergraduate students to media-portrayed idealised images that varied in their level of relevance, salience, or attainability. A negative impact of these images was indicated by greater post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation inaccuracy. In contrast, a positive impact was considered to have occurred when body dissatisfaction decreased and body size estimation was more accurate. If the images had a neutral impact on body image, one would expect little difference between groups or over time. A further aim was to determine whether a higher level of trait tendency to compare was related to more negative responding at post-exposure. In addition, thin ideal internalisation and restraint were examined as possible moderators. Studies 1, 2a, 2b, and 3 indicated that idealised image relevance and salience had little differential impact on post-exposure body image. That is, exposure to thin idealised images, irrespective of the salience and relevance manipulations, resulted in similar post-exposure body dissatisfaction and body size estimation. In contrast to this, the attainability of the image seemed to influence post-exposure responding, at least in terms of body size estimation (Study 4). Higher trait tendency to compare was associated with a greater amount of self-reported comparison with the images, but had little impact on body image. Surprisingly, these results were not moderated by thin ideal internalisation or restraint. The role of individual differences was explored with additional analyses in Study 5, which revealed that, when the power is sufficient, thin ideal internalisation, restraint, and self-reported comparisons with the images predicted post-exposure body dissatisfaction, but not body size estimation. Overall, this program of research suggests that idealised image features do not play a vital differential role in determining post-exposure body image, unless it is the body itself that is being manipulated. Results from this research support the idea that the mere presence of an idealised body is sufficient to activate negative responses, and there was little, if any, evidence for the occurrence of positive responses. These findings are discussed in terms of social comparison and schema theory, and in terms of their practical implications.