This is both a critical history of the nature guiding industry in South Africa from 1902- 2007 and a subjective critique of the practical components of contemporary natureguiding. It focuses particulary on guides operating on foot in “Big Five” (dangerous game) areas. The early history and the subsequent development of “wilderness” trails in the Kruger National Park and the histories of KwaZulu-Natal Parks and Madikwe Game Reserve are examined. The influences of the Field Guides’ Association of Southern Africa (FGASA) and the Tourism, Hospitality and Sport Education and Training Authority (THETA) are discussed. Transformation of the industry (in both the demographic and in the broader sense) faces language, cultural and ethical challenges because of prevailing anthropocentric and militaristic norms. Nature guides need improved communication skills and should balance traditional and progressive skills and ethics. They should become more critical and proactive in determining the style and content of their industry

Apartheid had long been an everyday practice in South Africa when the NG Kerk threw its weight behind it during the third decade of the twentieth century. However, it did not take long before the church began playing a leading role in this respect. During the fourth and fifth decades many decisions and publications underscored the church's conviction that the policy of separate development was based on Scripture. The South African Government and the National Party Government, in particular, were certain of the co-operation of the NG Kerk not only in the establishment of this policy but also in the extension thereof to cover all the facets of social, economical and political life. Although the NG Kerk, on many occasions, reiterated that the policy should be implemented with justice and compassion, it was always clear that apartheid as a policy that was based on colour could only result in discrimination against, and injustice to, people of colour. This resulted in growing resistance by blacks, coloureds and Indians since the beginning of the century. The resistance increased rapidly after the National Party took over the government of the country in 1948 and proceeded to intensify this policy by applying it to all levels of the political and societal life. On March 21 1960 thousands of blacks marched to the police station in Sharpeville to protest against the pass laws. This resulted in the police killing 69 blacks and wounding 180 in a panic reaction which caused not only a worldwide wave of indignation and protest but also increased racial tension in South Africa. The World Council of Churches in conjunction with the local member churches immediately arranged the Cottesloe Conference to discuss possible solutions to the racial problems. The proposals of this conference which was held in December 1960 met with strong opposition from Government and were eventually completely smothered by the Church leadership. The proposals were unacceptable because they smacked too much of criticism of apartheid. Notwithstanding the strong political and ecclesiastical rejection of Cottesloe, a group of church leaders nevertheless decided to establish the publication Pro Veritate, and soon afterwards the Christian Institute of Southern Africa was founded in an effort to give scriptural witness in South Africa. Pro Veritate, which later served as the mouthpiece of the Christian Institute (CI) and the CI itself, were - since their inception - seen as contentious issues by both the NG Kerk and Government because of the challenge to apartheid. The church immediately instituted strong measures to suppress Pro Veritate and the Christian Institute initiatives. This was applauded from the political side, particularly in the Transvaal, where certain Afrikaans newspapers gave their full support to it. Decisions were taken by the Southern Transvaal Synod to discourage ministers from contributing to Pro Veri tate and to prevent them from becoming members of the CI. The CI leaders, in particular, had to be silenced. After the General Synod finally rejected the Christian Institute, a long and heart-rending history of church persecution of Naude as leader and Engelbrecht as theologian of the CI followed. It all took place within the boundaries of the Parkhurst parish, of which the Naude and Engelbrecht families were members. Parkhurst parish was part of the circuit of Johannesburg. Strong pressure was exerted on the church council of Parkhurst and the circuit of Johannesburg to censure these members in order to silence them. Disciplinary measures had to be employed to get rid of these voices against the policy of separateness. The church leadership played a prominent role in these efforts. In the intensity with which the campaign was waged in and through the circuit of Johannesburg and the Parkhurst parish, it became evident - as nowhere else - how strong the NG Kerk felt about apartheid. When eventually the Government investigated and banned the CI and confined Dr Naude to his home, the church silently acclaimed what was being done. After all, the NG Kerk had from the very beginning not differed from the Government with regard to the CI. The biblical protest of the CI against apartheid was, of necessity, also a protest against the close ties of the NG Kerk with the Government and National Party. With time, however, the CI also moved into a process of politicisation. Black power and black political aspirations became the major driving forces behind the CI. In the middle seventies it became increasingly clear that a strong relationship had developed between the CI and the African National Congress (ANC). The history of the CI ended in immense irony. This organisation which took its stand on Scripture and courageously warned against the support by the church of a political party and structural violence in serving apartheid, ended in close co-operation with the ANC as a political party which committed itself to the armed struggle to overthrow the Government. There was also the irony that in their struggle against the ali gnment of the NG Kerk wi th the political theology to the right, the CI and its director aligned themselves to a South African version of the theology of liberation - a political theology to the left in which the Gospel of Jesus Christ is struck in the heart. And just as the NG Kerk in its political alignment remained silent about the violence of apartheid - so the CI eventually became silent about the violence of the political party in its struggle against apartheid.

Les États-Unis ont traditionnellement été accusés de ne pas avoir de réelle politique africaine. Une période semble échapper à cette affirmation car elle a été particulièrement riche dans ce domaine. Il s’agit des années 1975 à 1995 et particulièrement de la zone de l’Afrique australe. Cette politique étrangère a néanmoins été fluctuante au gré des présidences et influencée tant par la guerre froide et par des impératifs de politique nationale.Après l’effondrement de l’empire portugais, les États-Unis sont pris au dépourvu dans cette région stratégique à divers titres. Avec la fin de la guerre du Viêt Nam, Cuba et l’URSS lancent une politique expansionniste en Afrique. Ces deux paramètres vont créer les conditions d’un regain d’intérêt pour cette région et donner à l’Afrique du sud une rôle central au moment où les opinions publiques s’invitent dans la lutte contre l’apartheid.Les caractéristiques et composantes de cette politique, le processus de décision, ses acteurs multiples et variés constituent un sujet d’étude particulièrement riche. Quelle est la réelle part d’approche régionale de celle plus globaliste ? Quelles spécificités entre administrations démocrates et républicaines ?Au niveau militaire, il y a eu une certaine indulgence vis-à-vis du programme nucléaire et biologique sud-africain ainsi que le maintien de liens très forts entre les militaires des deux pays. L’utilisation des covert-actions de la CIA, l’appui du Zaïre, l’implication de l’OTAN et la résistance des états de la ligne de front constituent autant d’aspects de cette histoire très riche. / The United States has been traditionally accused of having no real African policy. A period seems to avoid this statement because it was particularly rich in this domain. It is the period covering the years 1975 to 1995 and particularly the Southern Africa area. This foreign policy has however been fluctuating according to presidencies and influenced so much by the cold war and by the imperatives of national politics.After the collapse of the Portuguese empire, the United States have been taken by surprise in this strategic region in various areas. With the end of the Vietnam war, Cuba and the USSR launched an expansionist policy in Africa. These two parameters will create the conditions for a resurgence of interest of this region and give South Africa a key role when public opinions started to be more engaged against apartheid.The features and components of this policy, the decision-making process with multiple and varied actors are a particularly rich subject of study. What is the real part of the regional approach to a more holistic one? What are the specificities of Democratic and Republican administrations?At the military level, there has been some leniency towards the South African nuclear and biological program and the maintenance of the strong linkage between the military of both countries. The use of the CIA's covert operations, Mobutu’s Zaire support, NATO's involvement and the resistance of the frontline states are all aspects of this rich history.

Basée sur des archives françaises et sud-africaines inédites, cette thèse offre une analyse approfondie des relations franco-sud-africaines sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle et de Georges Pompidou (1958-1974). La relation est qualifié de « spéciale » pour plusieurs raisons : le fait qu’il s’agit de liens avec un pays non-francophone qui n’appartient pas à la zone d’influence traditionnelle de la France, le contexte dans lequel elle se noue (le processus de décolonisation simultané à la condamnation internationale du régime d’apartheid), la spécificité de ses éléments constitutifs (une coopération particulièrement intensive dans les domaines « sensibles » du militaire et du nucléaire), et enfin le cadre officiel asymétrique et déséquilibré de cette relation. Divisée en quatre parties, organisées selon une logique chronologique, l’étude présente l’évolution de cette « relation spéciale » et ses différentes dimensions : bilatérale (relations militaires, nucléaires et économiques), régionale (relations en Afrique méridionale, dans la zone de l’océan Indien et en Afrique) et multilatérale (débats à l’ONU, au FMI, et dans le cadre de la CEE). A travers l’analyse des discussions au sein des institutions françaises et des prises de position dans les enceintes internationales, cette analyse reconstitue l’attitude ambiguë de la France envers la question de l’apartheid, les contradictions de la politique d’indépendance française de même que de la politique africaine de la France. Tout en privilégiant le cadre officiel, elle propose aussi une analyse du rôle des « intermédiaires » – parlementaires, entreprises et « marchands de canons » – dans la conduite et la réalisation des objectifs de la politique française vis-à-vis de l’Afrique du Sud. / Based on the original French and South African archives, this dissertation examines the relationship between France and South Africa under the administration of Charles de Gaulle et Georges Pomidou. Several elements explain why this relation may be qualified as « special »: the fact that South Africa didn’t belong to the traditional zone of French influence, the context in which this relation emerges (the process of decolonization along with the international condemnation of the regime of apartheid), its specialization (the close cooperation in the military and nuclear field) and its official atypical frame. Divided into four chronological parts, the dissertation presents the evolution of this « special relationship » and its different dimensions: bilateral (relations in military, nuclear and economic field), regional (relations in Southern Africa, in zone of the Indian Ocean and in Africa) and multilateral (debats at UN, IMF and EEC). By analyzing the discussions within the French institutions and the statements in international arena, this study reconstructs the ambiguous attitude of France towards the question of apartheid, the contradictions of the French policy of national independence as well of the French African policy. While the dissertation emphasizes the official framework, it also tempts to analyses the role of intermediates (parliamentarians, enterprises and military industry) in the conduct of French policy towards South Africa.

Despite years of investment in urban water infrastructure, and the state-a supposedly benign public entity-being the major actor in governing water, many poor residents in global south cities such as Blantyre experience unprecedented water-related problems. The neoliberal narrative unequivocally advocates privatising water; it frames the water problem as symptomatic of the unravelling of non-economic means of distributing this basic necessity of life while revering the free market as a panacea to this long-standing challenge. This thesis draws from the production/urbanisation of nature/space literature to contribute towards framing an alternative and more just political ecological water narrative. Through a radical critique of capitalist urbanisation, it argues that the contemporary urban water condition is the outcome and symptomatic of the unjust historical geographical legacies of modernist/capitalist means of producing water. It problematises the neo-liberal "tragedy of the commons" discourse that attributes these problems to the non-commodity nature of water. Through a case study of Blantyre City, the thesis frames this critique through two claims (1) that there is no such a thing as non-commodified produced water in contemporary Blantyre; (2) that the commodification of water is nothing new, it is a histo-geographical process deeply rooted in logics and contradictions of capitalist production of nature and space. It traces a critical moment in the capitalist remaking of hydro-social relations to colonial modernisation. British colonisation (late 1850s-early 1960s) inserted money and modern techniques at the heart of human-water interactions thereby significantly transforming traditional modes of accessing water. During this period, water began to change from being a common good to an economic resource that could privately be enclosed and harnessed as a means to economic/private ends through modern techniques. Institutions created to mediate this emergent modernist water architecture were dominated by vested private settler interests, depended heavily on external financing and revenue generated from exchanging water through money. British colonisations then sow first seeds in inserting monetary exchange, class and social power as mediators of the human-water interchange thereby entrenching social inequalities in Blantyre's waterscape. The post-colonial political transition in 1964 did little to radically reconfigure these colonial logics and their contradictions; in fact, albeit in qualitatively different ways, these dynamics intensified. The thesis establishes that these historical geographical dynamics continue to reproduce conditions through which underprivileged residents are alienated from water, and this basic need is commodified in contemporary Blantyre. In locating alienation and commodification within the wider historical geographical context of capitalist urbanisation, this thesis aims to critically engage with debates on neo-liberalisation of water. It takes issue with a particular ahistorical manner commodification of water is read and the failure of these debates to engage critically with the historical/colonial genesis of the present urban water condition in global south cities. The thesis hopes to contribute to academic and practical projects concerned with generating alternative understandings and finding just solutions to persistent water problems in the global south.

As sociedades e instituições arqueológicas, como as demais organizações científicas, são espaços fundamentais no fomento e na manutenção da rede de intelectuais de sua área de pesquisa. Podem, através da veiculação de suas publicações, apontadas na seção editorial de boletins dessas organizações, reafirmar as tradições arqueológicas ou oferecer perspectivas inovadoras. Analisamos trinta e quatro editoriais das publicações The South African Archaeological Bulletin, Nyame Akuma e Nsi, intentando compreender a formação das múltiplas imagens dos arqueólogos africanos e africanistas na era pós-colonial, entre 1987 e 1993, que, a nosso ver, dar-se-ia diante daquilo que essas sociedades através de seus boletins consolidam. Segundo a ótica de seus editores, os boletins do corpus de nossa pesquisa eram meios de comunicação rápidos e eficientes para cumprir funções de possibilitar que os arqueólogos interagissem, que se informassem sobre o andamento das pesquisas de campo e que fossem comunicados quanto à realização de congressos entre seus pares. Nosso recorte temporal define-se pela circulação concomitante dos três boletins, exceto quanto ao Nsi, que foi, um ano antes, em 1992, assimilado ao Nyame Akuma. Esse recorte temporal, a propósito, foi marcado pelas correntes teóricas da Nova Arqueologia, do Pós-Processualismo, dos estudos pós-coloniais e pela divulgação da pesquisa arqueológica na África e sobre a África em face dessas abordagens. Apontamos a título de conclusão da análise que os boletins, sob o pretexto de favorecer os arqueólogos e a produção científica em arqueologia na África durante esse período, veiculavam, na verdade, as imagens ideais ou mesmo as rechaçadas dos arqueólogos interessados na África. Essas imagens eram construídas nos textos dos editores na prática discursiva que formulavam com temas ligados ao ofício do arqueólogo. / The archaeological societies and institutions, like others scientific organizations, they are fundamental spaces in the encouragement and in the support an intellectual\'s network of the research´s area. They can, through the distribution of its publications, like the newsletters, in the editorial section, to reaffirm traditions or offer innovative perspectives. We analyzed thirty and four editorial texts in The South African Archaeological Bulletin, Nyame Akuma and Nsi, intending to understand structure multiple images\' of Africans and Africanists Archaeologists in the post-colonial era, between 1987 and 1993, that, in our opinion, would it is happen before of that societies through its newsletters consolidate. According to the viewpoint their editors, the newsletters of our documental corpus were agile and efficient to fulfill the functions to make possible archaeologists interact, they knew about the fieldwork\'s progress, they were informed about the realization of Congress. Our temporal period is defined by the concomitant movement of the bulletins, with the exception of the year 1993, when Nsi was assimilated to Nyame Akuma. It\'s a period was marked by New Archaeology´s theoretical currents, Post-processualism, postcolonial studies and dissemination of archaeological research in the Africa and about the Africa in face of these approaches. We point as conclusion of the analysis like the bulletins, under the pretext of promoting the archaeologists and the scientific archeology in the Africa, during in this period, they conveyed, in fact, the ideal or rejected images of the interested archaeologists in Africa. These images were constructed in the editor\'s texts in discursive practice that they formulated. They were recurring statements of the contingent themes at the archaeologist´s work.

<p>The general perception today is that the Shashi-Limpopo Basin in southern Africa is hot and dry and not conducive to human habitation. Today there is no doubt that the Shashi-Limpopo Basin has been home to many communities throughout the pre-historical period. A study of the changing ecological conditions in the Mateke Hills and the Shashi-Limpopo Valley as well as historical and present day land-usage offers an alternative explanation of how prehistoric communities could have interacted with this changing landscape. The archaeological record, historical sources and recent land-use patterns show that settlement location has always been orientated towards the rivers and circumscribed environments. The mosaic of floodplains, wetlands, drylands and circumscribed zones provided the ideal ecological setting for the development of socio-political complexity in southern Africa. The resilience of these semi arid savanna regions together with human innovation and local knowledge ensured that societies continued to derive subsistence even in the face of seasonal variability in rainfall and even climate change.</p>

<p>Regional integration is being proposed as a means to development in Southern Africa. As a part of the formal agreements regarding this cooperation, a Protocol on Education in the Southern African Development Community region has been signed. This research set out to compare the higher education systems of two Southern African countries and to examine the extent to which this Protocol has had an impact on national policies and practices. The research sought to investigate this by means of exploring the extent to which the Protocol has provided an institutional frame which is guiding the development of higher education policy in each of the two countries. The findings of the study indicate that the Protocol, rather than providing leadership in the area of education policy, is to a large extent a symbolic document, reflective of norms already existent in national policy in the two countries studied.&nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / </p>

The general perception today is that the Shashi-Limpopo Basin in southern Africa is hot and dry and not conducive to human habitation. Today there is no doubt that the Shashi-Limpopo Basin has been home to many communities throughout the pre-historical period. A study of the changing ecological conditions in the Mateke Hills and the Shashi-Limpopo Valley as well as historical and present day land-usage offers an alternative explanation of how prehistoric communities could have interacted with this changing landscape. The archaeological record, historical sources and recent land-use patterns show that settlement location has always been orientated towards the rivers and circumscribed environments. The mosaic of floodplains, wetlands, drylands and circumscribed zones provided the ideal ecological setting for the development of socio-political complexity in southern Africa. The resilience of these semi arid savanna regions together with human innovation and local knowledge ensured that societies continued to derive subsistence even in the face of seasonal variability in rainfall and even climate change.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law