Abstract This thesis mainly researches in the Internet development and impact of Mainland China. With the theory of corporatism, it also analyzes the development of internet and how the control measures of the Communist Party of China change the relation between state and society . This thesis has reviewed why the Communist Party of China developed the Internet and its restrictions and present situation of Internet. However, the Internet users have tried everything to obtain the unaccessible message. Recently, every leader of the Communist Party of China has declared for the development of Internet sequentially. At the same time, they still insist the restriction of Internet and even aggravated it with the technology of western network information corporations. In the past two years, the Mainland China has established the association of China Internet made up of Internet Services Providers as a medium to control increasing Internet users by staging self-control actions and settin report procedures. But the Communist Party of China still fails to get rid of the dilemma of controlling or developing the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2005 / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iv, 268 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 258-268).

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Abstract Taiwan's social security has implemented at the institutional for a while. The development of social security shows the face of diversity in each era. There is diverse social security law can be described with impressive results, but we also have to reflect on another issue: What is Taiwan's social security law the common purpose? Every laws and regulations both have a different development process, in the whole social security should have their roles, if the social security policies and regulations have a lack in the principle of system, the government which in the administrative system may be faces obstacles. Particularly, after the democratization of political system in Taiwan, the development of social security measures cannot prevent the intrusion of politics, vote often become the means of achieving the people's welfare and security, and just in the implementation of policies on social security payments of uncertainty measures, it is unable to satisfy what people's need essentially. At this point, the state is difficult to achieve the protection of people's right and equalize opportunity and remove social conflicts, the state power is hard to protect the right of freedoms and vulnerable function, it caused the implementation of social justice by the state as the legitimate role become increasingly disordered. View of diverse of the development of Taiwan's social security law, the legal system reflects the purpose of social security to promote harmony development of society which has become an important starting point. Thus, this study is about the status of social security law, the legal aspects of evidence which in our Constitution, "Social Security" in the normative sense, that is what we want to create? The concept of this country endowed with a local social security of the explanation? Or should we look for the legal science for another closer theory of state and society relations outside positive law, in order to facilitate the establishment of law system. And another study is from the philosophy of law, analysis Lorenz von Stein's book of social theory, which is German scholar of public law, and the book of John Rawls theory of justice, which is American political scientist. And then look for the social constitution real meaning behind the words to construct a more complete system of social security law. Attempt to think through the social sciences, the social security law find a common language, and to answer how to construct a Taiwanese legal system of social security, people's social life will have a more harmonious development of justice in order.

¡@Ecological and environmental problems of the 21st century are a serious threat to human survival and economic development. From open policy, Mainland China has made remarkable achievements in economic development, but also pays a heavy consideration for the resources and environment, unbalanced regional development and environmental diplomacy issues with neighboring countries. This paper tries to use literature, induction, case analysis of three research methods to analysis. This paper tries to find wrong creation of "because of" on Mainland China environmental problem. This paper comes by experience of developed countries to examine transformation of politics, economy, society policy in Mainland China, and tries in the economic development and pollution of the environment to achieve a balance. ¡@¡@Ecological environment has the properties of public goods and externalities. Central government is main actor of ecological environmental governance is no doubt. But state and society relations began to change with the transformation of the social and institutional change. Originally, Government monopoly to supply public goods began to shift to multiple actors supply model. This paper presents enterprises, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), citizens of the three non-governmental actors and the relationship of the ecological environmental governance, and explores the interactive relationship between of central government and local government. On this basis, ecological environmental governance network theory as the core, proposed new ways to analysis the necessity and feasibility of ecological environmental governance network, and construct multiple actors of collaboration the new model of governance network. ¡@¡@The serious of environment problem in Mainland China faces severity influence economy growth, society security and people healthy. The environment depravation degree forces the environment non- government organization and citizen to joins. This paper used the case in the Huaihe River Valley. The environmental NGO, Huaihe River Guider, successes to connect with central government, citizen, and enterprise. Mainland China's central government still needs to strengthen rule of law construction and market mechanism establishment, particularly lawmaking guarantee the citizen participate, the solution mechanism of environment dispute, an arrange taking of dirty tax and fees etc., and then to expand this model to the pollution of various type in each city. Government absorbs the environmental governance experience, funds and technique of developed country by attending global governance, and then raises the environment quality of earth.

The research study used the state and society approach to discuss the varying roles of the Chinese government and other social sectors, including international non-governmental organizations in China's anti-poverty campaign. China has thus far achieved remarkable progress in its poverty alleviation initiatives since 1978. The Chinese government started the rural structural revolution from 1978 to 1985 and subsequently, undertook massive development-oriented programs that were poverty focused from 1986 to 1993. In 1994, the Chinese Government formulated the Seven-Year Priority Poverty Alleviation Program (1994-2000) and it also launched the Development-Oriented Poverty Reduction Program (2001-2010) in 2001. In order to achieve its goals to reduce poverty, the Chinese government undertook: partnership with all social sectors; the strategy of self-reliance and reducing poverty through development; and the road of all-round development considered as the robust driving forces in China's poverty alleviation campaign. The main thrust of China¡¦s anti-poverty policy is to strengthen the capacity of the targeted population to fight poverty and attain prosperity. In conclusion, while poverty reduction essentially depends on the efforts of the governments in China, the strong support and partnership of the non-governmental organizations and other social sectors are also a necessity that will spell out the difference in the success of the program.

Since the economic reform and opening up in 1978, the social environment on the Mainland of China has been changed. A golden opportunity was created for the development of the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which have been growing rapidly in recent years. Before the reform carried out throughout China, the Government had an overall and exclusive control of and thus took full responsibilities for all affairs. Under such a circumstance, community organizations and market factor were subject to the country, and short of independence and autonomy. After the reform, market-oriented economy has been creating an advantageous social environment for NGOs; in the meanwhile, a great number of NGOs have risen and developed bringing more vitality to the market economy. It is in this way that the shape of the civil society and the stability of market economy have become a whole, inseparable life community. Following Corporatism, this dissertation highlights the idea that the relationship between a country and a society is not only a vertical one, but also one of mutual benefit, cooperation and exchange. This paper will explore Chinese women¡¦s NGOs¡¦ systematic management, diverse situation, and existing problems in the post-reform China, which had undergone multiple major impacts, including the Government Party¡¦s (PRC) loosened control over community organizations, dramatic changes in party relationship and official functionality, the awakening of women¡¦s self consciousness of their own rights as a result of international women¡¦s movements and UN World Conference on Women, and the raised socio-economic level over the country. This dissertation will focus on the development of women¡¦s NGOs in 1990s in China, and be supported by cases of the All-China Women¡¦s Federation (ACWF) and other kinds of female NGOs current situations. This paper will also discuss how the ACWF has been changed from a regular governmental organization into a significant NGO. With the spreading concept of civil society on the mainland, Chinese women¡¦s NGOs have also bloomed step by step into a more diversified entity, especially those build up from the community.

This thesis analyzes the debate revolving around the concept of civil society in Turkey with reference to academic literature. It argues that despite the seeming variety of approaches to the concept of civil society, there is an underlying commonality among the widespread usages of the concept. These seemingly different approaches in the end become the versions of the same hegemonic view. This, in turn, causes a vicious circle in the civil society debate in Turkey. The basis upon which this hegemonic view is built are the central premises of the liberal idea of civil society. With its constant reference to the strong state-weak civil society dichotomy / to the &lsquo / ideal&rsquo / of civil society as a checking mechanism over the state / and to a particular understanding of pluralism without antagonism and with an emphasis on consensus, this view underlies the majority of scholarly works in Turkey. However, important aspects of civil society are ignored by this hegemonic position. In order to render the concept of civil society a useful analytical tool there is a need to underline that state and civil society do not exist as distinct entities and that the relations characterizing civil society are not characterized by the liberal idea of harmonious pluralism but by uneven power relations resulting in inequalities as well as marginalization, exclusion, and silencing of some in the society. Thus, the Marxist conception of civil society can open the gate for a more fruitful usage of the concept of civil society for socio-political analysis.

Political success in semi-democratic countries has two aspects: shifting the balance of power in one’s favor and maintaining it. This thesis seeks to examine how the AKP has succeeded in shifting the balance of power in its favor while its predecessor the Welfare Party did not. Focusing on electoral success, existing research primarily lists center-periphery conflict, moderation, class struggle, party organization, and failures of others as the main determinants. Yet the significance of reining in the power of the Kemalist state structure has been mostly disregarded. Therefore, with a comparison of the AKP (2002-2007) and the Welfare Party (1996-1997) governments, this study tests one assertion using most-similar systems research design that in semi-democratic political settings with strong authoritarian actors, political parties that build broad coalitions via group specific policy promises will be more likely to shift the balance of power in favor of themselves than actors that lack such connections.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-03-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:09Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 souza_jc_dr_assis.pdf: 951240 bytes, checksum: d684b449784f6edb48ef83e33ca5402a (MD5) / O Partido Liberal paraguaio foi fundado em 1887, mas desde 1870 tentava se articular como grupo político, com a finalidade de chegar ao poder, o que viria a acontecer em 1904. Dessa data até o fim de seu mandado, em 1936, articulou o Estado e a sociedade dentro de uma perspectiva liberal, em um país que se encontrava em fase de reconstrução, após uma guerra que lhe custara vidas e parte de seu território, dentro de uma conjuntura internacional de implantação do liberalismo como doutrina política, e de consolidação da fase industrial do capitalismo. Esteve dividido em diversas facções, e estas contribuíram para aumentar a fragilidade política do país, devido à ligação do partido com o governo, e uma constante troca de presidentes, que não conseguiam concluir o próprio mandato e, assim, realizar seus planos de governo. A preocupação fundamental desse grande número de presidentes foi com as finanças do Estado, com a idéia de que, ao sanear a moeda e o meio circulante, resolveriam os problemas prementes do país. Em uma perspectiva reformista, o partido conseguiu operar de forma racional a economia do país, mas deixou em segundo plano as questões sociais. Durante sua permanência, o Paraguai continuou contando com apenas um partido na oposição, e os grupos de pressão política foram desarticulados, configurando uma sociedade que ficou marginalizada da política empreendida pelo partido. / The Paraguayan Liberal Party was founded in 1887, but since 1870 it tried to articulate as political group with the purpose of arriving to the power, what would come to happen in 1904. From that date to the end of its mandate in 1936, it articulated the State and the society in a liberal perspective, in a country that was in a reconstruction phase, after a war that had cost it lives and part of its territory, inside of an international conjuncture of implementation of liberalism as political doctrine, and of consolidation of the industrial phase of the capitalism. The party was divided in several factions, and this contributed to increase the political fragility of the country, due to the connection of the party with the government, and a constant change of presidents, that didn't get to conclude its own mandate, thus accomplishing its government plans. The fundamental concern of that great number of presidents was with the finances of the State, with the idea that with sound money and circulating medium they would solve the main problems. From a reformist perspective, they achieved to operate in a rational way the economy of the country, but left in second plan the social subjects. During the permanence of the Liberals, Paraguay remained with just a party in the opposition, and the groups of political pressure were disjointed, configuring a society that was apart from the politics developed by the party.