There is no abstract available for this dissertation.

The purpose of this .thesis is to examine the political thought of Amilcar Cabral. We will isolate the central elements of his political thought by textual analysis of primary and secondary works with particular emphasis on the writings of Cabral. In that Amilcar Cabral's thought developed through the movement for national liberation in Guine-Bissau, that movement will be explored to give clarity to our analysis. However, the emphasis remains on the genesis and development on Cabral's thought. We will identify the character of Cabral's political thought as a comprehensive political philosophy in the successive phases of the struggle to simultaneously achieve power and transform the Guinean reality. The major question asked is "what is Amilcar Cabral's political thought?" We intend to investigate whether or not Amilcar Cabral's political thought altered the political, social, and economic situation of Guine-Bissau. In the first chapter, we will try to identify who was Amilcar Cabral, the man. We will investigate his educational background, the social milieu in which his thought developed, and his personal history. We also will examine his character as the head of a movement for social change. In the second chapter, we intend to establish key environmental problems in the field of political thought. We will attempt to evaluate the role of philosophy and the nature of political theory as a field of inquiry. Subsequently, we intend to evaluate the condition of political thought specifically in Guine-Bissau prior to the national liberation movement. In the third chapter, we will briefly look at the history of Guine-Bissau and the political party started by Cabral, the African Party for Independence in Guine and Cape Verde (P.A.I.G.C.), We hope to illuminate the historical facts that distinguish and particularize the totality of conditions in Guine-Bissau. In the fourth chapter we will present Cabral's thought as a comprehensive analytical system. We intend to identify the core assumptions that actuate Cabral as a political thinker. We also intend to discuss the mechanisms he proposes to use in implementing political thought and the goals. he hopes to achieve by doing so. In the fifth chapter we will evaluate Cabral's political thought. We intend to analyze the components of his thought that distinguish him as a political thinker. We plan to determine if Cabral's thought altered the concrete conditions of GuineBissau that existed prior to its introduction. We will also examine the theoretical nature of Cabral's thought to assess its character as political theory. In the summary, we will relate the findings of our investigation of Amilcar Cabral's political thought. We hope to draw conclusions as to the method of inquiry practiced by Cabral. Finally, we will appraise the importance of Amilcar Cabral as a political thinker we hypothesize that the findings will confirm our underlying assumption that Cabral's thought is identifiable and significant

No description available.

No description available.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University

Thesis (M. Ed.)--Kutztown State College. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2752. Typescript (Xerox copy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 68-70).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis describes René Girards mimetic theory of desire and explicates its relevance for a critique of consumerism, emphasizing the loss of identity that can result from mimesis in a consumer society. It first presents Girards theory of desire, giving special attention to its implications for identity development. It then discusses more directly both his limited, explicit treatment of consumerism and the unspoken ways in which his theory can elucidate the situation of the consumer, focusing on how consumer society may manage to prevent the violence that often results from mimetic contagion, but does nothing to prevent what Girard calls metaphysical desire. Finally, it turns to Girards analysis of novelistic and Christian conversions and suggests how these may be seen as salvific alternatives to consumerism. I hope thereby to develop an effective tool for critiquing consumer society and for advocating Christian compassion and humility as the means of allowing identities stunted by consumerism to flourish.

This thesis examines the role of Reason-guided reason-giving in the deliberative democratic arena as a response to the theories of Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Lynn Sanders. I will aim to do two things. First, I will trace some path of logic-centered political philosophy and understand the role of reason as both subject and object in this genealogy. Secondly, and in the final sections I shall move to articulate the role of Reason, explicitly, in democratic philosophy. The theory that I will put forth is that the privileging of Reason, or of Reason-guided reason-giving, should be the ultimate standard for deliberative democratic discourse.

This thesis argues that, contrary to some prevalent intuitions, national borders are not being rendered obsolete by the increasingly global or deterritorialized character of social and political life. Rather, as state sovereignty becomes less and less anchored to geographic territory, borders have replaced land as an interpellative strategy with which states construct a demos or public over which power can be exercised. State borders work to supply this public with a coherent and homogenous national-political identity that frames, and in many contexts occludes, the articulation of specific heterogeneous identities within that public. <p> Of course, borders by themselves do not do anything. I argue that political geography and political anthropology commit a serious mistake when they treat borders as independent things or processes that act upon individuals and peoples. Borders are not extra-personal third parties to the interactions of persons. Rather, they are instances of bordering, the discursive activity through which subjects articulate difference in ways that construct their identities in relation to others. However, borders appear as independent agents because they have been separated from other operations of bordering-- and, most importantly, from the bordering subjects themselves-- by processes of alienation, objectification and abstraction. Consequently, the articulation of national-political identities occurs primarily by means of a suppression of the concrete subjects whose life-activity in fact structures-- and is deeply structured by-- these identities.