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The purpose of the study is to investigate how Visit Sweden has chosen to work with the moose as a symbol targeting the international market. The study was based on an image analysis of Visit Sweden's website and an interview study with Visit Sweden content strategist. A comparison was then made between the different empirical results to find similarities and differences between how Visit Sweden works with the moose as a symbol and how it is actually produced. The results show that they make the moose through two different angles which includes a humorous angle and a majestic. The humorous angle exists for creating a divisible material, distinguishes themself from other countries that also have moose. The majestic angle are used as a means of transmitting Swedish nature. The results show that these two angles do not interact and there is an uncertainty about how Visit Sweden really wants to work with the moose as a symbol and thus also in its marketing strategy.

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Although not an exclusive EU competence, spatial planning in European countries has been influenced by a variety of Union policies and initiatives. This phenomena, labeled as ‘Europeanisation’, is understood as a multi-faceted process of institutionalization of both formal (rules, standards) and informal (norms, concepts, ideas) Community provisions into national planning cultures. However, this process has not been limited to the EU member states only. Countries which have already obtained the official EU candidacy, as well as potential candidates, are also subject to influences coming from the Union. Spatial planning in candidate countries has been affected not only through formal requirements of the EU accession process, but also through other informal channels of Community influence, including different learning and knowledge exchange processes facilitated by the EU. The present study seeks to discover and account for evidence of Europeanisation of spatial planning in EU candidate countries on the example of Serbia and Bosnia & Herzegovina. In particular, it aims to analyse the ongoing change of spatial planning structures, instruments and discourses under the umbrella of European integration. The findings suggest that the EU has only nominally impacted domestic planning in candidate countries, often in relation to formal compliance with Union policies, and without veritable effects on planning practices and actual spatial development.

Introduction Through the ages, nuclear emergencies have scared us several times, and during these emergencies risks were often communicated through media. Sometimes, news would get distorted, amplified and cause confusion or other undesirable effects, which in turn might affect how people perceive the risks. The aim of this study was to analyze how media portrayed and communicated risks in Japan during the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident in 2011, compared to Sweden, a country out of reach of direct risks. Methods Discourse analysis was considered the most suitable method for this study, since it can be used to reveal myths that are implicated in speech and other actions. A discourse analysis is not meant to clarify an objective reality, but how a reality is created. The analysis was conducted on articles published in newspapers in each country during the accident, 15 articles from The Japan Times (Japan) and 19 from Aftonbladet (Sweden). Results The results showed that the communication of risks was more instructive in The Japan Times, even if some of the information was changing and could be considered confusing. When it comes to feelings, The Japan Times mostly stayed away from vidid and dramatic messages, while this was more common in Aftonbladet. Discussion and conclusions In the discussion, it was found that the most prominent resemblance was lacking information as a result of potential lack of knowledge among journalists. The way the newspapers presented the risks differed, The Japan Times had a quite composed approach while Aftonbladet dramatized the event more extensively. Both newspapers used statements from officials and authorities, which might have contributed to framing. For further research on media’s role during a nuclear disaster, it might be of interest to look at solutions for how experts and journalists can work closer together to communicate the risks accurately, as well as taking the political stance aspect into consideration.

Gäng i dess olika former, vare sig det är lokala ambulerande gatugäng eller sofistikerade, internationella kriminella gäng, är ett allt större problem i vårt samhälle. Gäng skapar enorma kriminella vinster från grov brottslig verksamhet och undergräver allvarligt allmänhetens förtroende för samhällets institutioner såsom polisen och socialtjänsten. Att förebygga gäng och gängkriminalitet, är därför ett prioriterat område såväl på nationell som på internationell nivå. Tusen fiender - behandlar de svenska gatugängen och dess ledare, med syftet att öka vår kunskap och förståelse om vilka sociala processer och faktorer som bidrar till att gäng bildas i Sverige. Studierna som Tusen fiender bygger på ,utgår ifrån 239 gängmedlemmar, tagna ur sju självmarkerande svenska gatugäng med tydlig gäng- och lagbrytande identitet, samt intervjuer med 24 gängmedlemmar varav tolv gängledare. / <p>Filosofie licentiatexamen i Socialt arbete vid Linnéuniversitetet</p> / Stockholm Gang Intervention and Prevention Project, SGIP

Previous research has not fully addressed the causal processes embedded in participation of women’s groups in peace processes, and the potential outcomes achieved by their participation. This thesis seeks to contribute to this topic by analyzing the research question under what conditions do peace processes contribute to unequal and dangerous societies for women? And the theorized relationship is that ‘the presence of fragmentation of the women’s movement during peace negotiations tends to result in higher prevalence of inequality and violence against women in post-conflict societies’, because fragmentation will contribute to upholding patriarchal norms that facilitate violence towards women through portraying men as top-dogs and women as under-dogs. Structured Focused Comparison is the method used, and questionnaires are developed for fragmentation and post-conflict inequality and violence against women. Two cases are studied and compared: Guatemala and Chiapas in Mexico. The findings show very little support for the hypothesis, although the results are inconclusive.

ThispaperaimstocomparetheforecastingperformanceofthewidelyusedVARandBayesian VAR model to the unrestricted MIDAS regression. The models are tested on a real-time macroeconomic data set ranging from 2000 to 2015. The variables are mixed frequency data, specifically, predictions are made for GDP, using economic tendency indicator, unemployment and inflation as predicting variables. The baseline model of this analysis is a simple VAR, while it has great flexibility, this model risks to overfit the data and as a consequence makes unreliablepredictions. TheVillaniBayesianVARismeanttosolvethisproblembyintroducing long run beliefs about the data structure and the steady state unconditional means of each series. Whenfacingmixedfrequencydata,boththeseapproachedaggregateatthelowerlevelby discarding useful information. In this scenario, the unrestricted MIDAS model addresses this problem without losing high frequency information. The results show how both BVAR and U-MIDAS outperform VAR at every horizon, while there is no absolute winner among BVAR and U-MIDAS. Evidence suggests that U-MIDAS is superior for short horizons, specifically up to the 5th step ahead, which corresponds to one year and a quarter.

<p>170529.</p>

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