Avec le dénouement de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le problème des réfugiés en Europe devient un enjeu international. Plusieurs millions de personnes, que l’on nomme les Displaced Persons (DP), sont sans refuge et doivent recevoir une aide immédiate pour survivre. Même si la majorité de ces gens retourneront dans leurs pays d’origine, il reste encore des centaines de milliers de réfugiés en 1948. La seule solution concrète pour régler cette problématique est l’émigration des réfugiés dans des pays prêts à les accepter. Les Américains jouent un rôle crucial en acceptant 415 000 DP entre 1948 et 1952 grâce au Displaced Persons Act de 1948 et ses amendements en 1950 et 1951. Après d’âpres discussions entre les restrictionnistes et ceux qui défendent la libéralisation des lois d’immigration, naîtra le Displaced Persons Act (DP Act) signé avec beaucoup de réticence, le 25 juin 1948, par le président Harry S. Truman. Cette loi qui prévoit la venue de 202 000 DP en deux ans, contient des mesures jugées discriminatoires à l'endroit de certaines ethnies. Afin d'améliorer le DP Act, le Congrès effectue des recherches sur la situation des réfugiés toujours dans les camps en 1949 tout en étudiant l’impact de la venue des DP aux États-Unis entre 1948 et 1950. Cette étude est soumise sous forme de rapport, le Displaced Persons and Their Resettlement in the United States, le 20 janvier 1950. Ce mémoire propose une analyse minutieuse du rapport et de son contexte politique afin de démontrer le rôle important de cette étude dans le processus décisionnel du Congrès américain visant à accueillir un plus grand nombre de DP tout en posant les bases pour une politique d’accueil en matière de refugiés. / With the ending of the Second World War, the refugee problem became an international issue. Several million people, which are called the Displaced Persons (DPs), are without shelter and should receive immediate help to survive. Although the majority of DPs will return to their home country, there are still hundreds of thousands of refugees in 1948. The only practical solution to solve this problem is the migration of refugees out of Europe. The Americans have played a crucial role by agreeing to receive 415,000 DP between 1948 and 1952 through the Displaced Persons Act (DP Act) of 1948 and its amendments in 1950 and 1951. After heated discussions between the restrictionnists and those who advocate the liberalization of immigration laws, the Displaced Persons Act was voted with great reluctance and signed, June 25, 1948, by President Harry S. Truman. This law provides for the arrival of 202,000 DPs in two years, but it contains measures deemed discriminatory to certain ethnic groups. In order to improve the DP Act, Congress conducted research on the situation of refugees still in camps in 1949 while studying the impact of the DPs arrival in the United States from 1948 to 1950. This study was submitted as a report, the Displaced Persons and Their Resettlement in the United States, January 20th, 1950. This thesis proposes a thorough analysis of this report to demonstrate how the study helped the decision-making process of the U.S. Congress that led to the acceptance of a larger number of DP’s while also laying the basis for a settlement policy with regard to refugees.

This Master's thesis focuses on elements and manifestations of propaganda in selected films from the James Bond film series. The first part defines the scope of term "propaganda" from the point of view of communication and media studies. It also describes various authors' perspectives on different types and ways of propagandist persuasive message spread and how it can be revealed using discourse analysis. The thesis reflects especially the pragmatic approach of authors Jowett and O'Donnell and is compared to other cardinal approaches. The theoretical part also puts propaganda into context of time, i. e. the Cold War, and it mentions specific cases of its impact. The thesis deals with James Bond films as such, in particular with their narrative and its mythological and stereotypization constituent. James Bond films are examined, in the practical part, using content analysis. The aim is to detect described pro-eastern propaganda elements, analyse their manifestation and answer the research questions.

The diploma thesis "At the Top, or behind the Zenith of Power? To the Effect of Winston S. Churchill as the Prime Minister of Great Britain in the Years 1951-1955" examines the effect of Winston S. Churchill during his second term as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The thesis analyzes his effect on foreign policy, where the main emphasis is on the relationship with the United States, his plans for negotiations with the Soviet Union, domestic politics, and his tenure at the head of the Conservative Party. It briefly analyzes his relationship and disputes with Foreign Minister Anthony Eden, and the British Prime Minister's medical condition. The main focus of the thesis is devoted to Churchill's ability to promote his ideas and plans in all areas of his operations, as a leading politician of the Great Britain.

This thesis analyzes the development of Czechoslovak-Cuban relations in the eighties of the 20th century. In the first part the author is shortly showing development of mutual relations after the Cuban revolution in 1959 and the role of Czechoslovakia in the process of consolidation of the regime of Fidel Castro. Later the author is concentrating on the core of the paper, which is divided into four chapters. These chapters are analyzing in detail particular areas of mutual relations - political, economic, scientific and technical cooperation and cultural. In the political area author is investigating the changes in international relations in connection with advent of Ronald W. Reagan and Mikhail S. Gorbachev and its influences on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Cuba. In the eighties the core of relations had been shifted into the economic sphere and trade, loans and investment units which were often discussed and also were sources of disputes. Scientific and technical cooperation and culture were traditional forms of mutual relations and also during the eighties the cooperation was intense. In the end the author states that the relations in the reporting period are best described by the word "stability" because in the comparison with the years after the Cuban revolution lost it is own dynamic.

This Diploma thesis analyses the development of relationships between two superpowers of the Cold War, the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, during the Polish crisis period at the turn of the 70's and 80's of the 20th century. The objective of the Thesis was, above all, to reconstruct carefully the Polish crisis events, to discover its reasons, effects and implications for mutual relationships of the superpowers. The introduction of the Thesis focuses on the development of the Soviet-American relationships in the course of the Cold War from its beginning to the Polish crisis outbreak. Consequently, the foreign policy of both superpowers, their characteristics, main actors and factors are analysed. In the 1970s, Poland struggled with enormous economic troubles which were also connected with social disorder. In summer of 1980, the disorder developed into a strike wave which the existing communist regime did not manage to get under control. The Polish events thus resulted in proclamation of the state of emergency which was supposed to "save" the communist system in Poland. The Polish coup d'état in the 1980s definitely showed to the entire world that the communist system can be maintained in the states of Central and Eastern Europe only by force. In the...

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since the end of the Second World War, foreign policy goals have rarely become the lead issue for any Italian administration, and the desire to maintain the "special relationship" between the United States and Italy has generally muted any dispute The collapse of the Soviet Union and a growing concept of national interest in Italy have combined to change the basis of Italian-American cooperation. With increasing speed and fervor, Italian society and its political leadership continue to develop goals and ideas that are less dependant on foreign influence or reaction than has been the case in the past. The events of the 1990s made many Italians reflect on what their values and principles were. Italians feel increasingly able to voice their opinion, even when it differs with that of the United States. While as partners there is still an inequality of means, the developing independent agenda in Italy will reduce American influence to be an equally competing perspective in the national policy debate. Although it is uncertain how far future foreign policy aims will diverge from American interests, the trend certainly shows that Italians will feel less restraint in voicing their disagreements when they arise. / Major, United States Army

Captain America and Iron Man are both iconic American heroes, representing different American values. Captain America was created during the Golden Age of comics and represents a longing for the past, while Iron Man was created at the height of the Cold War and looks forward to a new America. This paper will first establish the historical and cultural relationship between comic books and propaganda, beginning with the first appearance of Superman. It will pay special attention to the similarities and differences of Captain America and Iron Man, focusing on their representation of American values over time, and discuss how that aspect of the characters affects their ongoing titles today.

Les années 70 voient l’émergence d’un monde multipolaire qui exige de nouvelles échelles de négociations. Quelle place le bilatéral peut-il jouer dans la réorganisation des relations internationales ? La question interpelle tout particulièrement deux puissances européennes « moyennes » aux ambitions mondiales : la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Les chocs monétaire, économique et énergétique dans un contexte de mondialisation accélérée, rendent indispensable la coordination entre les Etats et justifient des solutions régionales : Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, qui voit dans l’intégration européenne le moyen de préserver le poids de l’Europe et de la France dans le monde, doit composer avec les Britanniques qui adhèrent à la CEE en 1973. Aux défis économiques s’ajoutent des déséquilibres politiques : inconnues de la détente, divergences transatlantiques, recul du leadership américain, apparition de nouveaux acteurs sur l’échiquier mondial. Pour sauvegarder l’équilibre européen, le consensus est plus que jamais nécessaire. L’arrivée au pouvoir au milieu des années 70 en France, en Grande-Bretagne, en Allemagne et aux États-Unis, d’une nouvelle génération de dirigeants, favorise la restructuration des modes de concertation. La création par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing du Conseil européen et du G7 cristallise cette évolution et offre de nouvelles perspectives aux relations bilatérales. Celles-ci s’inscrivent de plus en plus dans le système des relations internationales par un jeu d’échelles qui permet de coordonner les stratégies. Le sommet franco-britannique créé en 1976 prend toute sa dimension en tant que relais entre gouvernance européenne et gouvernance mondiale. / The 70’s see the emergence of a multipolar world that requires new scales of negotiations. What role can bilateralism play in the reorganization of global relations? The question especially calls out two medium-sized European powers with worldwide ambitions: France and Great Britain.The monetary, economical, and energy crises in a context of accelerated globalization make the coordination between states vital and justify regional solutions. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who sees in the European integration the mean to preserve the weight of Europe and France in the world, has to compose with the British who join the EEC in 1973. To the economic challenges are added political imbalances: the unknowns of Détente, transatlantic divergences, the decline of the American leadership, and the emergence of new key players on the world stage. In order to protect the European balance, the consensus is more necessary than ever. The coming to power, in the mid 70’s, of a new generation of political leaders in France, Great Britain, Germany, and the US promotes the restructuring of dialogue. The creation of the European Council and the G7 by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing crystallizes this evolution and offers new perspectives to bilateral relations. These fit more and more into the international relation system by an interplay of scales that allows the coordination of the strategies. The Franco-British summit introduced in 1976 comes into full view as a relay between the European governance and the worldwide governance.

[pt] A América do Sul é uma região cuja anarquia internacional contemporaneamente não apresenta mais um estado de anarquia marcado pelo dilema de segurança. Saber se essa sociedade internacional obteve uma mudança pacífica a ponto de superar este dilema e atingir uma comunidade pluralista de segurança é o problema de pesquisa desta tese. Isso requer o entendimento deste conceito, bem como a constatação da presença de seus elementos constitutivos na região sul-americana. Para responder a esta pergunta, o trabalho foi dividido em duas partes, a primeira de natureza teórica e a segunda de caráter empírico. Cada uma tem dois capítulos. No primeiro capítulo da parte teórica, expõe-se a revisão da literatura sobre comunidades de segurança e, no segundo capítulo, faz-se uma revisão da literatura relativa à segurança internacional na região. Quanto à parte empírica, seu primeiro capítulo foi destinado a traçar um perfil da ordem sulamericana durante a Guerra Fria antes da hipotética emergência de uma comunidade de segurança na região. Já no quarto capítulo demonstra-se seu possível surgimento e consolidação no pós-Guerra Fria. O método comparativo é usado para cotejar esses dois períodos, de modo a captar uma possível transição para uma comunidade de segurança. Conclui-se que, após a guerra fria, não se pode dizer ainda que a América do Sul apresenta todos os elementos de uma Comunidade de Segurança madura, mas se encontra em estágio ascendente. / [en] South America is a region which international anarchy presently does not show a condition marked by the security dilemma anymore. To assess to what extent this international society has obtained a peaceful change up to a point of overcoming this dilemma and achieving a pluralistic security community condition is the research problem of this thesis. It requires the comprehension of this concept, as well as the assessment of its constitutive elements in the South- American region. To answer this question, the thesis has been divided in two parts, the first of theoretical nature and the second of empirical character. Each of them has two chapters. In the first chapter of the theoretical part, one exposes the literature review on security communities. In the second chapter, one makes a literature review of the international security relatively to the region. As for the empirical part, its first chapter has been destined to trace the profile of South- American order during the Cold War, before the hypothetical emergence of a security community in the region. In the fourth chapter, one shows its possible emergence and consolidation in the post-Cold War. The comparative method is used to contrast these two periods in order to capture the possible transition to a Security Community. One concludes that, after the Cold War one cannot state that South America has all elements of a Security C ommunity but it is in an emergent stage.

Dans la cadre de la Guerre Froide, comment la Chine – un Parti-État au bloc socialiste – s’entend-elle avec la France – un pays du camp capitaliste ? Et quels rôles jouent le PCF et les Maoïstes français ? Cette thèse présente les éléments idéologiques et réalistes dans les relations sino-français depuis 1949 à 1969. Au début, les deux pays s’opposent à cause des guerres d'Indochine et Corée. Les échanges politiques et économiques officiels sont rompus. Le PCF devient le pont principal qui relie deux pays par ses entreprises ou associations comme l’Association des Amitiés franco-chinoises.Après la Conférence de Genève, la relation bilatérale s’améliore et certains canaux de communication sont créés. Mais la détente est limitée en raison des États-Unis et du problème de Taïwan. Dans cette période, le PCF et ses organisations de masses aussi jouent des rôles importants dans la relations sino-françaises. Et les chinois apprécient les informations et suggestions proposées par le PCF. Mais le gouvernement français est vigilant sur les activités avec des éléments idéologiques ou politiques.La troisième partie marque l'établissement des relations diplomatiques. Mais Charles de Gaulle reprend le pouvoir et ne choisit pas de reconnaitre la Chine immédiatement. Et la Chine adopte une attitude indifférente envers de Gaulle en raison des problèmes idéologiques. Cependant, les conflits sino-soviétiques et les affaires indochinoises la poussent à changer ses attitudes en 1961-1962. A la suite de la détérioration des relations avec le PCF et de la résolution des problèmes algériens, les rôles idéologiques qui empêchent la rétablissement des relations sino-français s’affaiblit.Bien que les relations sino-françaises se développent très vite, les difficultés restent. La Révolution culturelle et Mai 68 exercent un impact négatif. Conclusion, comment arranger buts réalistes et ambitions idéalistes dans les politiques étrangères, c’est une question importante pour les deux pays. / In the context of the Cold War, how PRC, a party-state in the socialist bloc, got along with France, a nation in the capitalist bloc? And what roles the PCF and French Maoists played between two countries? This thesis presents the ideological and realistic elements in Sino-French relations from 1949 to 1969.At first, these two countries were opposed in the Indochinese War and the Korea War. The official exchanges were broken. The PCF became the main bridge linking the two countries by its enterprises or associations, like the Association of Franco-Chinese Friendship.After the Geneva Conference, the bilateral relationship improved and some communication channels were created. But the American foreign policies and the Taiwan issue were still barriers. In this period, the PCF and its mass organizations also played important roles in the Sino-French relations. And the Chinese government appreciated the information and suggestions provided by the PCF. But the French government was alert to the ideological or political elements in the activities.In 1958, Charles de Gaulle returned to power, but he did not choose to recognize China immediately. And China adopted an indifferent attitude towards his government because of the ideological problems. Following the deterioration of relations between the PCF and the PCC and the resolution of the Algerian problems, the ideological roles that prevented the restoration of Sino-French relations were weakening.Although the bilateral relationships developed quickly after the establishment of Sino-French relations, the difficulties still remained. The Cultural Revolution and May 68 had a negative impact on their relations. Until the autumn 1968, the attitudes of the Chinese leadership toward France returned to normal.To sum up, the ideological elements in Sino-French relationship always exist. But realistic interests became more and more important and encouraged the two countries to improve their relations. A peaceful coexistence is a consensus for both China and France.