A travers l'étude des relations cinématographiques entre la France et la RDA, cette thèse met en lumière la manière dont Je cinéma constitua un espace de rencontre entre l'Est et l'Ouest. Initiés après 1945 par des professionnels du cinéma portés par un même engagement communiste, les échanges de films entre la France et la RDA se heurtent rapidement à l'actualité géopolitique et notamment à l'absence de liens diplomatiques officiels entre les deux États. Grâce à plusieurs figures de passeurs, des collaborations singulières aboutissent néanmoins, telles que la réalisation de coproductions, la diffusion de films de la DEF A à Cannes et dans les ciné-clubs et la participation régulière de Français au festival de Leipzig. Les relations cinématographiques franco-est-allemandes dépassent souvent le cadre binational et s'étendent à d'autres horizons. La Chine de Mao et la guerre d'Algérie constituent ainsi des espaces où se croisent les regards des cinéastes français et est-allemands. Si la France et son histoire inspirent plusieurs films à la DEFA, seuls deux documentaires français s'intéressent à la RDA, avant et après Mai 1968. Ce déséquilibre s'accentue encore à partir des années 1970. La reconnaissance officielle de la RDA par la France en 1973 s'accompagne de l'institutionnalisation des relations cinématographiques, qui simplifie la circulation des films de part et d'autre du Rideau de fer en même temps qu'elle en accroît l'asymétrie. Ce n'est qu'après la chute du Mur que la France s'intéressera davantage au sort de l'ex-RDA, en produisant plusieurs films sur l'après-1989 et en mettant la DEFA à l'honneur dans le cadre de rétrospectives. / Through the study of cinematographic relationships between France and the GDR from 1946 to 1992, this PhD thesis highlights how cinema constituted a meeting area between the East and the West. Initiated after the Second World War by film professionals sharing the same communist commitment, film exchanges between France and the GDR are quickly confronted with the geopolitical situation, in particular the Jack of official diplomatic relations between the two states. Thanks to several figures of conveyor, peculiar collaborations could succeed, such as the realization of co­productions, the diffusion of DEF A films in Cannes or in film clubs and the regular French participation in the festival of Leipzig. Franco-East-German film relations often go beyond the binational framework and extend to other horizons. Mao's China and the Algerian war thus constitute areas where French and East-German filmmakers look at. If France and its history inspire several DEFA films, only two French documentaries focus on the GDR, before and after May 1968. This imbalance increases even more from the l 970's onwards. The official recognition of the GDR by France in 1973 is accompanied by the institutionalization of cinematographic relationships, which simplifies the circulation of films on both sides of the Iron Curtain, while at the same time increasing its asymmetry. It is only after the fall of the Wall that France becomes interested in the fate of the former GDR, by producing several films about the post-1989 period and putting the DEFA in the limelight of festivals and retrospectives.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:32:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Giordano Goncalez Robba.pdf: 713383 bytes, checksum: ab6e037e84f7172d150e6ded51f48ddb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-27 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research analyzes the transformations undergone by the sociology curriculum, existing in the state high school of São Paulo, between 1986 and 1992. Based on the Marxist theory of social consciousness and the social-constructionist theory of curriculum, we verified if the changes in the curriculum of sociology were consequences of economic, political and ideological changes in Brazilian society, which occurred in that period. To achieve this goal, we studied two sets of documents. One of the clusters is formed by the following documents: the Proposal for a syllabus for the sociology course high school, from 1986, and the Curricular proposal for the teaching of sociology high school, from 1992, produced, published and introduced by the Coordination of Pedagogical Standards and Studies of the Department of Education of Sao Paulo State. Another set is composed of academic texts that address the social relations existing in Brazil in 1986 and 1992. Analyzing the two sets of documents, we checked if the definition of the contents of each curriculum was conditioned by the emergence of certain social movements and forms of social consciousness (especially among the working class) in Brazilian society. We verified by this way if the rise of certain political and ideological propositions and social movements had an influence on the production of the proposals and the selection of curriculum content. We also examined if the development of those forms of consciousness and social movements resulted from the economic situation existing in the country in 1986 and 1992. Thus, we look for evidence that the presence of certain content and the absence of other in the analyzed proposals resulted from the social context in which the documents were produced. We noticed by that way if replacing the 1986 proposal for the 1992 proposal was due to a transformation of social relations in Brazil, that is, the emergence of a new social context. The analysis indicated that the transformation of the sociology curriculum, existing in state high school of Sao Paulo, was conditioned by the transformation of social relations that occurred in Brazil in the early 1990s, linked to the end of the Cold War, on the global level / Nesta pesquisa, são analisadas as transformações por que passou o currículo de sociologia, em vigor no ensino médio das escolas estaduais de São Paulo, entre 1986 e 1992. Partindo da teoria marxista da consciência social e da teoria sócioconstrucionista do currículo, verificamos se as transformações do currículo de sociologia foram conseqüências de transformações (econômicas, políticas e ideológicas) da sociedade brasileira, ocorridas naquele período. Para atingir esse objetivo, são estudados dois conjuntos de documentos. Um conjunto está formado pela Proposta de conteúdo programático para a disciplina sociologia 2º grau, de 1986, e a Proposta curricular para o ensino de sociologia 2º grau, de 1992, produzidas, publicadas e instituídas pela Coordenadoria de Estudos e Normas Pedagógicas da Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo. Outro conjunto está formado por textos acadêmicos que abordam as relações sociais existentes no Brasil em 1986 e 1992. Analisando os dois conjuntos de documentos, averiguamos se a definição dos conteúdos de cada proposta curricular foi condicionada pela emergência de determinados movimentos sociais e formas de consciência social (especialmente entre a classe trabalhadora) na sociedade brasileira. Verificamos assim se a ascensão de determinadas proposições políticas e ideológicas e movimentos sociais exerceu influência sobre a produção das propostas e sobre a seleção de conteúdos curriculares. Examinamos também se o desenvolvimento daquelas formas de consciência e movimentos sociais decorreu da situação econômica existente no país, em 1986 e 1992. Desta maneira, procuramos indícios de que a presença de determinados conteúdos e a ausência de outros nas propostas curriculares analisadas resultaram do contexto social em que foram produzidos os documentos. Averiguamos, assim, se a substituição da proposta de 1986 pela de 1992 decorreu de uma transformação das relações sociais no Brasil, isto é, do surgimento de um novo contexto social. A análise indica que a transformação do currículo de sociologia, vigente no ensino médio estadual de São Paulo, foi favorecida pela transformação das relações sociais ocorrida no Brasil, no início da década de 1990, ligada ao fim da Guerra Fria, no plano mundial

Este trabalho propõe o estudo da ideia de “fim da História”, conforme apresentada pelo cientista político norte-americano Francis Fukuyama. Em um primeiro momento, delimitamos seu conceito de “fim da História” a partir do artigo original The End of History?, de 1989, e de suas publicações seguintes, até o livro The End of History and the Last Man, de 1992. Na segunda parte, após contrastar a ideia ao paradigma de “choque de civilizações”, de Samuel Huntington, aproximamos a estrutura conceitual proposta por Fukuyama de tópicos da teoria da história e história da historiografia relacionados ao conceito moderno de História e sua eventual exaustão identificada por diversos autores. No terceiro momento, o trabalho aborda o percurso da obra de Fukuyama após a repercussão inicial de sua proposta de “fim da História”, até os dias de hoje, buscando eventuais novidades à estrutura conceitual delimitada anteriormente. A título de conclusão, abordamos o cenário atual dos debates da historiografia para especular acerca do futuro do campo do conhecimento e do ofício do historiador. / This work proposes the study of the idea of the “end of History“, as it is presented by the North American political scientist Francis Fukuyama. At first, we delimit the concept from his original article The End of History?, published in 1989, and from his following publications, up to his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man. In the second part, after contrasting Fukuyama’s idea to Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” paradigm, we put the conceptual structure proposed by Fukuyama alongside topics regarding theory of history and history of historiography related to the modern concept of History and its eventual exhaustion, already signaled by several authors. The third part approaches the long course of Fukuyama’s work regarding “the end of History”, after the repercussion of his initial article up until the present days, looking for eventual innovations in the conceptual structure previously designed. For the sake of conclusion, we approach the current debates around the topic, to speculate about the future of the field of knowledge and the role attributed to the professional historian.

Dans le cadre des relations francochinoises durant la période maoïste (1949-1978), la coopération industrielle entre les deux pays peut être considérée comme une réussite remarquable. Pondérées à l'origine dans les années 1950, leurs relations économiques vont se développer principalement dans le domaine de l’industrie pendant la décennie suivante, pour arriver à leur apogée dans les années 1970, grâce à trois facteurs favorables : l'établissement des relations diplomatiques en 1964 qui offre l’opportunité non seulement de créer des liens stables indispensables aux futurs contacts économiques bilatéraux, les deux gouvernements jouant alors un rôle de coordinateur de cette coopération industrielle ; l’amélioration des relations sino-américaines et la politique de libéralisation du commerce estouest par Nixon, fournissent un terrain international propice au développement du commerce sino-occidental ; le plan économique du gouvernement chinois fondé sur l'importation de technologies et de matériels occidentaux -- notamment le « plan 43 » --, donne une base financière à la coopération industrielle avec la France. Les résultats de cette coopération sont considérables : développement manifeste du commerce sino-français de grande envergure ; des sociétés françaises tirent profit de l’ouverture du marché chinois pendant la période de la Révolution culturelle ; grâce aux projets de coopération mis en place, notamment ceux d'usines clé en main, la Chine accélère la modernisation de diverses industries, -- électriques, d’engrais, de fibres chimiques, de communication, etc. --, tout en maintenant ainsi l'équilibre de son développement économique. / In the framework of French-Sino relations during the Maoist period (1949-1978), the industrial cooperation between the two countries can be considered as a remarkable success. From a steady beginning in the 1950s, their economic relations principally developed in the industrial domain in the following decade, so as to reach their peak in the 1970s because of three favorable factors. Above all, the establishment of their diplomatic relations in 1964 offered the opportunity to create stable indispensable connections of bilateral economic contacts in the future, then the two governments also played a role as coordinators of this industrial cooperation. Besides, the improvement of Sino-American relations and the political liberalization of East-West commerce promoted by Nixon, provided a propitious international environment for the Sino-Occidental commercial development. Last but not the least, economic the plan of the Chinese government, based on the importation of Western technologies and materials, particularly the “43 plan”, provided a financial basis for the industrial cooperation with France.The results of this cooperation are considerable: Sino-French commerce obtained a large scale of obvious development; French companies benefiting from the economic openness of the Chinese market during the period of the Cultural Revolution; thanks to the implementation of these cooperation projects, particularly the “key-in-hand factories”, China accelerated the modernization of diverse industries in electricity, fertilizers, chemical fibers, communication, etc., -- while maintaining the balance of its economic development.

Après 1966, l’inefficacité du système économique, politique et idéologique de la Fédération yougoslave amène la population à vivre une profonde crise morale, visible dans l’effondrement des idéaux titistes et dans l’incapacité des élites politiques à reconnaître leur échec dans la gestion de la société. Les dirigeants du système autogestionnaire ont toujours cru que les différents peuples qui composaient le pays pouvaient vivre en harmonie grâce à l’unité idéologique et au Parti. Pourtant, ces deux éléments sont plongés dans une crise profonde après la mort de Tito. À partir de 1980, les élites politiques et l’intelligentsia yougoslave jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décomposition du pays, qui s’accélère avec l’explosion des conflits nationalistes, la disparition de la guerre froide et l’instauration de la nouvelle ère globale. / After 1966, the inefficiency of the economic, political and ideological system of the Yugoslav Federation brought the population to a deep moral crisis. This is visible in the collapse of the Tito’s ideals and in the inability of the political elites to recognize their failure in the management of the society. The leaders of the self-management system had always believed that the various people who made up the country could live in harmony thanks to ideological unity and Communist Party. However, these two elements were plunged into a deep crisis after the death of Tito. Beginning in 1980, the political elites and the Yugoslav intelligentsia played a fundamental role in the country’s decomposition process, which accelerated with the explosion of nationalist conflicts, the disappearance of the Cold War and the establishment of the new global era.

Esta dissertação busca analisar como o romance Fahrenheit 451 de Ray Bradbury lida com seu contexto histórico e qual é a resolução simbólica sugerida para o problema por ele apontado. Para tanto, traçaremos paralelos entre o cenário político-social da sociedade fictícia do romance e os Estados Unidos entre 1945 até 1953, data de sua publicação oficial. / The purpose of this research is to analyze how the novel Fahrenheit 451, by Ray Bradbury, deals with its historical context and which is the symbolic resolution suggested for the issues noted. Therefore, parallels will be drawn between the political-social scene described in its fictional society and that of the United States from 1945 until 1953, the novels official publication date.

The diploma thesis Media picture of building the Berlin wall - Rudé právo, The New York Times, The Times addresses the events associated with the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 and primarily presents the analysis of newspaper articles connected to the Berlin Wall topic. The issue of the Berlin Wall is portrayed before its construction, during the construction and immediately after it. In the "Teoretická východiska" chapter, the concepts used as a basis of the subsequent analysis of selected newspapers are explained. The first part of the thesis presents the historical and political circumstances of the Berlin Wall construction, especially the development of the Cold War between the representatives of East and West. The analysis of the three selected newspaper titles is preceded by a narrative interview with a foreign correspondent from Rudé právo. His statements serve as an illustration of the former Berlin atmosphere. In the analysis of the newspapers Rudé právo, The New York Times and The Times, emphasis is placed on the article contents, presentation style, theme diversity, trends and information value of the presented news. The output of the analysis is a comparison of all three selected titles and is based on the given theoretical grounds. This thesis is meant to serve as an example...

Em 1.º de junho de 1953, a administração do presidente norte-americano Dwight D. Eisenhower fundou a United States Information Agency (USIA), reunindo sob a coordenação da nova agência os programas de informação dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) no exterior. O intuito era o de aproximar as audiências internacionais dos valores do sistema democrático e de livre empresa encenado pelo país, granjeando governos às posições norte-americanas na Guerra Fria. A atuação da agência se deu no âmbito das disputas entre os governos dos Estados Unidos e da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) em programas de propaganda cultural naquilo que a historiografia tem chamado de Guerra Fria Cultural (Cultural Cold War). Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo investigar a atuação da USIA no Brasil, entre os anos de 1953, data de fundação da agência, e 1964, quando as questões de que se ocupava foram reorientadas em função, no plano internacional, da Guerra no Vietnam e, no Brasil, do golpe civil-militar. Para tanto, analisamos o material da agência matérias, artigos, notícias, notas e fotografias veiculado nos jornais cariocas Correio da Manhã e Tribuna da Imprensa, duas das mais importantes publicações da mídia impressa brasileira do período. Verificamos que a agência passou, paulatinamente, a empregar atividades secretas, além das atividades não secretas, driblando as resistências que a opinião pública brasileira mostrava à presença oficial norte-americana no debate de questões políticas nacionais. Embora as estratégias utilizadas pela USIA fossem realizadas em nome das liberdades democráticas, a agência não vacilou em lançar mão de operações secretas para a consecução de seus objetivos políticos na Guerra Fria. / On June, 1st, 1953, U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhowers administration founded the United States Information Agency (USIA) for gathering U.S. information programs overseas under its umbrella. The aim of the new agency was to broadcast democratic system and free enterprise values portrayed by the country to international audiences in order to garner nations to U.S. positions during the Cold War. The Agency proceedings took place in the context of disputes between the heads of government of the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in programs of cultural propaganda called the Cultural Cold War by historiography. The present study aimed at investigating USIAs performance in Brazil between the years 1953, founding date of the Agency, and 1964, when the Agencys previous issues were redesigned on account of Vietnam War, at an international level, and of the civil-military coup, in Brazil. Therefore, we analyzed the Agency material newspaper reports, articles, news, notes and photos released in Correio da Manhã and Tribuna da Imprensa newspapers, two of the most important publications of the Brazilian Press for the period edited in Rio de Janeiro. We found that the Agency has, gradually, carried out covert activities, besides the overt ones, dodging Brazilian public opinion resistance against official U.S. presence in the debate on national political issues. Although the strategies used by the USIA were held in the name of democratic freedoms, the Agency did not hesitate about resorting covert operations to achieve its political objectives in the Cold War.

Propõe-se neste trabalho analisar as elaborações culturais relativas à política externa estadunidense no seriado televisivo Jornada nas Estrelas: Nova Geração em sua primeira temporada (1987-1988), produzido em um momento de mudanças históricas em que um discurso político de nova ordem mundial estava sendo gestado. Expectativas do fim da Guerra Fria trariam consigo, como evento simbólico, a necessidade de uma nova elaboração simbólica das relações entre Estados Unidos e o mundo. Assim, esta pesquisa buscou discernir na série as características de uma estrutura discursiva diferente dos discursos de guerra e paz mais típicos do período de Guerra Fria na ficção científica. Articulando-se, na série, com os temas da ajuda humanitária e da não interferência, articulação ambígua aqui denominada de militarismo benfazejo, o discurso do seriado antecede um debate que se intensifica na década de 1990 sobre a aceitação ou não do princípio de interferência em outros Estados por via das causas humanitárias. Na tentativa de acompanhar a dispersão do discurso de guerra e paz no campo discursivo, procurou-se ampliar a análise para as articulações discursivas de guerra e paz em ramos discursivos não ficcionais, mantendo como foco o discurso do seriado, na análise minuciosa de sua construção e da forma como este articulou valores pertinentes ao seu discurso de guerra e paz. Buscou-se nas narrativas das imagens o que se evidenciou como a formulação de um novo objeto simbólico para a política externa estadunidense daquele momento. / This work analyzes cultural elaborations relative to American international affairs in the first season of the television series Star Trek: the Next Generation (1987-1988). That moment of historical changes saw the dawn of a new world order discourse. Expectations of a nearing end to the Cold War brought forth the need of new symbolic elaborations concerning the relations between the United States and the rest of the world. Thus, this research aimed to pinpoint the features of a new war and peace discursive structure, differing, comparatively, from the war and peace discourses proper to Cold War culture. Preceding the intense 1990s debate about the admission of the principle of intervention in other states on humanitarian grounds, the series associates its war and peace discourse with themes of humanitarianism and non-interference in an ambiguous symbolic articulation here denominated benevolent militarism. In an attempt to follow its dispersion in the discursive field that permeates fictional and non-fictional discursivities, the discursive articulation of war and peace was, at least in part, observed in other fictional and non-fictional constructs. Yet, the main focus was kept on the series: a detailed analysis of its symbolic, imagerial and narrative construction was carried out, leading to the investigation of the ways in which the series articulated values pertaining to its war and peace discourse. This work addresses what seems to be partaking in the beginnings of the formulation of a new symbolic object of the American international affairs at the time.

Esta dissertação busca analisar como o romance Fahrenheit 451 de Ray Bradbury lida com seu contexto histórico e qual é a resolução simbólica sugerida para o problema por ele apontado. Para tanto, traçaremos paralelos entre o cenário político-social da sociedade fictícia do romance e os Estados Unidos entre 1945 até 1953, data de sua publicação oficial. / The purpose of this research is to analyze how the novel Fahrenheit 451, by Ray Bradbury, deals with its historical context and which is the symbolic resolution suggested for the issues noted. Therefore, parallels will be drawn between the political-social scene described in its fictional society and that of the United States from 1945 until 1953, the novels official publication date.