[pt] A tese aborda a teoria construtivista de Alexander Wendt e o debate teórico em torno da guerra fria, particularmente de seu final, enfatizando o caráter social do sistema internacional, e as diversas formas que esta estrutura de conhecimento compartilhado pode assumir: as culturas da anarquia. Analisando o Novo Pensamento como uma ação crítica, reflexiva, e utilizando as ferramentas do interacionismo simbólico, a teoria idealista e estrutural de Wendt abre espaço para a agência dos atores estatais, e mostra como identidades e interesses são continuamente sustentados ou alterados no processo de interação. / [en] The dissertation deals with the constructivist theory of Alexander Wendt and the theoretical debate about the Cold War, particularly its end, highlighting the social aspect of the international system, and the many shapes this structure of shared knowledge can take: the cultures of anarchy. Analyzing the New Thinking as a critical and reflexive action, and using the tools of symbolic interaction,Wendts idealist and structural theory opens up to the state actors agency, and shows how identities and interests are continually sustained or altered in the process of interaction.

Propõe-se neste trabalho analisar as elaborações culturais relativas à política externa estadunidense no seriado televisivo Jornada nas Estrelas: Nova Geração em sua primeira temporada (1987-1988), produzido em um momento de mudanças históricas em que um discurso político de nova ordem mundial estava sendo gestado. Expectativas do fim da Guerra Fria trariam consigo, como evento simbólico, a necessidade de uma nova elaboração simbólica das relações entre Estados Unidos e o mundo. Assim, esta pesquisa buscou discernir na série as características de uma estrutura discursiva diferente dos discursos de guerra e paz mais típicos do período de Guerra Fria na ficção científica. Articulando-se, na série, com os temas da ajuda humanitária e da não interferência, articulação ambígua aqui denominada de militarismo benfazejo, o discurso do seriado antecede um debate que se intensifica na década de 1990 sobre a aceitação ou não do princípio de interferência em outros Estados por via das causas humanitárias. Na tentativa de acompanhar a dispersão do discurso de guerra e paz no campo discursivo, procurou-se ampliar a análise para as articulações discursivas de guerra e paz em ramos discursivos não ficcionais, mantendo como foco o discurso do seriado, na análise minuciosa de sua construção e da forma como este articulou valores pertinentes ao seu discurso de guerra e paz. Buscou-se nas narrativas das imagens o que se evidenciou como a formulação de um novo objeto simbólico para a política externa estadunidense daquele momento. / This work analyzes cultural elaborations relative to American international affairs in the first season of the television series Star Trek: the Next Generation (1987-1988). That moment of historical changes saw the dawn of a new world order discourse. Expectations of a nearing end to the Cold War brought forth the need of new symbolic elaborations concerning the relations between the United States and the rest of the world. Thus, this research aimed to pinpoint the features of a new war and peace discursive structure, differing, comparatively, from the war and peace discourses proper to Cold War culture. Preceding the intense 1990s debate about the admission of the principle of intervention in other states on humanitarian grounds, the series associates its war and peace discourse with themes of humanitarianism and non-interference in an ambiguous symbolic articulation here denominated benevolent militarism. In an attempt to follow its dispersion in the discursive field that permeates fictional and non-fictional discursivities, the discursive articulation of war and peace was, at least in part, observed in other fictional and non-fictional constructs. Yet, the main focus was kept on the series: a detailed analysis of its symbolic, imagerial and narrative construction was carried out, leading to the investigation of the ways in which the series articulated values pertaining to its war and peace discourse. This work addresses what seems to be partaking in the beginnings of the formulation of a new symbolic object of the American international affairs at the time.

Une nation est toujours fondée sur des mythes. Aux États-Unis, le président est le « conteur-en-chef » de ces récits sacrés qui ont pour fonction de donner du sens à l’existence de la communauté nationale. Cette thèse propose d’examiner dans quelle mesure la rupture dans l’imaginaire collectif que représente la fin de la guerre froide a engendré une nouvelle rhétorique de la mythologie nationale dans les discours présidentiels. Pour cela, nous nous appuierons sur l’étude de métaphores qui, comme l’ont démontré l’analyse critique du discours et la linguistique cognitive, nous informe sur les croyances collectives d’une société. Dans une première partie, nous nous focaliserons sur les mythes de la vertu et du bien, plus particulièrement sur le langage religieux qui s’est développé dans la période post-guerre froide, et sur la valeur de liberté qui demeure fondatrice de l’identité américaine, mais dont la définition évolue et souligne davantage le libre arbitre de l’individu par opposition au destin manifeste collectif fondé sur la prédestination calviniste. Ces mythes de vertu servent de justification morale à une rhétorique de la puissance et de la force qui fera l’objet de notre analyse dans notre seconde partie. Nous montrerons combien la permanence du récit de guerre et les nombreuses métaphores guerrières rendent compte d’un système de représentation du monde qui donne une signification mythique à la violence. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous verrons que seul le récit héroïque illustre l’alliance de la puissance et de la vertu et constitue finalement la trame narrative essentielle du mythe national de l’ère post-guerre froide. Nous conclurons sur la proposition que, si la fin de la guerre froide a favorisé le développement du mythe héroïque dans les discours présidentiels, celui-ci est enraciné dans la rhétorique de Ronald Reagan qui représente le point de rupture le plus significatif dans la production de la mythologie nationale récente ainsi que le point de départ de tout un cycle idéologique et politique. / Nations are based on myths, and in the United States, it is the president who is the “storyteller-in-chief” of those sacred stories whose function is to give sense to the existence of the national community. This dissertation offers to examine to what extent the end of the Cold War, which represents a breaking point in the mental representation of the nation, has produced a new discourse in national mythology in presidential speeches. Our research will focus more specifically on the notion that metaphors inform us on the shared beliefs of a given society as cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis have largely demonstrated. In our first part, we will concentrate on the myths of virtue and good, and more particularly on the use of religious language which has greatly increased over the period, and on the value of “freedom” that has remained the founding value of the American identity but whose definition has evolved to underline the notion of free will of individuals as opposed to the collective Manifest Destiny rooted in Calvinistic predestination. These myths serve as moral justifications to the rhetoric of power and strength that will be the object of our second part. We will show how the steady presence of war narratives and war metaphors ascribe mythical meaning to violence. Finally, in our third part, we will see how only the heroic narrative illustrates the fusion of the myths of power and virtue and actually constitutes the essential narrative framework in post-Cold War presidential speeches. We will then conclude on the proposition that while the heroic myth may have been fostered by the end of the Cold War, it originated in the rhetoric of Ronald Reagan that might be the most significant breaking point and the beginning of an entire new ideological and political cycle.

Esta disertación conecta la teoría de la transculturación narrativa de Ángel Rama con la tradición intelectual latinoamericana que aportó sus características más distintivas. Las teorías de Rama fueron influidas por dos tradiciones latinoamericanas. Una es de carácter político y tiene su origen en la Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. La otra, de carácter epistemológico y se remonta a la década de 1930, cuando comienza el culturalismo en Latinoamérica. Mi investigación se ocupa de un grupo de intelectuales uruguayos que trabajaron en torno al semanario Marcha [1939-1974]: Carlos Quijano [1900-1984], Julio Castro [1908 -desaparecido en 1977] y Arturo Ardao [1912-2003]. También me ocupo de dos intelectuales brasileños, Antonio Cândido [1918] y Darcy Ribeiro [1922-1997], quienes continuaron con la tradición culturalista que inauguraron en Latinoamérica autores como Gilberto Freyre [1900-1987] y Fernando Ortiz [1881-1969]. Recuperar las redes intelectuales que acompañaron el proceso de articulación de la transculturación narrativa nos permite comprender mejor las tesis de Rama por dos razones. Primero, porque enmarca esta teoría dentro de algunos de los debates políticos y culturales más importantes de la Guerra Fría. Y segundo, porque se aproxima a la manera como Rama comprendió la historia latinoamericana y su coyuntura política y socio-cultural durante las décadas de 1960 y 1970. El objetivo de la teoría de la transculturación narrativa es describir el proceso por el cual las manifestaciones literarias latinoamericanas pasan de la dependencia a la autonomía cultural. Como el proceso descrito se despliega dentro de la estructura social, para comprenderlo es necesario analizar la interacción entre las obras literarias y la sociedad que las rodea, de esta forma las ciencias sociales --antropología, sociología, economía-- son instrumentos de análisis indispensables para comprender una obra o tradición literaria. Este marco general de análisis es descrito por Rama como el culturalismo. En el caso de Rama, una lectura desde los estudios literarios puede dar por sentado que el culturalismo fue tan sólo un método de análisis alternativo al estructuralismo francés. Aunque esta perspectiva sea en parte correcta, no es del todo precisa. El culturalismo al que se refiere Rama es el mismo que practicaron los cientistas sociales en Latinoamérica desde la década de 1930. Recuperar la historicidad de la transculturación narrativa no solo nos permite comprender la genealogía de esta teoría sino recuperar y hacer visibles algunas tradiciones intelectuales contra-hegemónicas que desarticuló la Guerra Fría en Latinoamérica.

<p>The issue of humanitarian intervention presents a perennial conundrum and is one of the hottest topics in contemporary international relations. It contains aspects of both idealism and realism and is largely an issue born out of the end of the Cold War. This paper provides a theoretical and empirical evaluation of this normative shift in interstate affairs.</p><p>The vast growing body of human rights law serves as one indication that international law is changing in terms of a shift of focus, away from states, and towards the international community made up of individuals. However, in absence of a formal agreement on how and to what scope international law has changed, conclusions can only be made based on the emerging, limited and fragile body of state and UN practices. If such a shift were to be accompanied by a corresponding empirical transformation, it would undoubtedly represent a huge leap forward towards a more solidarist underpinned world order. The present trends within international relations represent at least an aspiration towards some more clearly envisioned solidarity. As international actors interact, they generate new norms, but one must remember that the actors and their practices are themselves products of older norms. The present structures of international society are not ready to accommodate such change.</p><p>Human rights are important, not only because they become embedded in institutions and create new coalitions between actors, but also because they help states redefine their national interests and identities, as well as help them to choose among conflicting priorities such as sovereignty and humanity. Under the present global system, any discussion of the international protection of human rights and humanitarian intervention implies changes in both norms and practices. The theoretical part of this paper provides a framework for assessing these recent developments by determining first, how and why values are shared, and what these values need to be in order for international society to be categorized as solidarist. The empirical part, then moves on to assess state and UN practice in order to conclude if solidarism is a reality in today’s international society.</p><p>In this paper, I argue that there is an international consensus in terms of a right to humanitarian intervention in cases of threats against international peace and security and where the UN S.C has given its authorization. Furthermore, even though not clearly establishing any such right to intervention, cases like East Timor, northern Iraq and Kosovo points to a normative shift where the redefinition of the concept of sovereignty might become a reality. This new consensus is a product of mainly three recent developments: a more expansive interpretation of the S.C on what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, the revolution of information technology that has heightened awareness of conflict and suffering, and the increased robustness of international human rights norms. While diversity continues to characterize the 21st century, there is a greater degree of consensus on the meaning of sovereignty and human rights today than most pluralists suggest. Nevertheless, the practical behaviour of the international community shows that the commitment to solidarism remains minimal.</p>

The purpose of this investigation is to discuss the relevance of Black theology in light of the emergence of reconstruction theology. It offers a critical survey of a range of contributions on this issue, questioning whether scholars who have used Black theology as a form of self description should shift emphasis, from the paradigm of liberation to reconstruction. The significance of this study has to be understood within the context of the proposal to redirect African theological initiatives from liberation theologies to reconstruction theology. The basis for this call was the end of apartheid in South Africa, which signalled the independence of all countries on the African continent.

During the 1960's Guatemalan stability began to falter due to a political and social breakdown; guerilla violence and government repression emerged from this decade as common occurrences. In response to the instability within Guatemala, the US focused on providing significant financial aid to bolster a weak economy, while simultaneously working with the Guatemalan police and military to create more efficient and modern internal security forces capable of combating Communist subversion. Despite US attempts to foster stability, in 1963 President Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes was removed from office by a military coup organized by his opponents within Guatemala. The Lyndon B. Johnson administration continued to support the Guatemalan government and continued to provide economic and military assistance. Despite US assistance, the internal social and political divisions in Guatemala continued to result in violence. In the midst of the escalating violence, elections were held in 1966 and the center left candidate Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro was elected as the new president of Guatemala. The election of a politically left president further radicalized the Guatemalan right, which resulted in attempted coups and acts of terror. The violence from the leftist guerillas and the radical rightist elements forced Mendez Montenegro to allow the military to use harsh counter-terror strategies to bring the country under control. Despite negative developments, the US consistently tried to help build Guatemalan stability. Unfortunately, its policies ignored the socio-economic inequalities, and internal division which was the biggest problem facing the nation. The internal political division that created the violence and instability made it impossible for any US assistance to have a meaningful impact. During the 1960's these developments in Guatemala paved the way for the violence and genocide of the 1980's and solidified a policy of US involvement that was inadequate and ineffective.

No description available.

During the early Cold War, as the Soviet menace placed Canada in between two hostile superpowers, the Canadian government decided to take steps to ensure that its sovereignty and national interests were not threatened by the Americans in the new strategic environment. This study examines the extent to which the Canadian government actually defended its sovereignty and rights against American intrusions in the early Cold War. At its core is an examination of the government’s policy of gradual acquisition in the Arctic between 1945 and 1951. This thesis explores the relationships that existed at the time, the essence of the negotiations, the state of international law and the potential costs and benefits of certain Canadian courses of action. It also explains how Canada’s quiet diplomacy allowed it to avoid alienating its chief ally, contribute to continental defence, and strengthen its sovereignty during this period.

Denna magisteruppsats, skriven för Stockholms universitets magisterkurs i historia som ett led iFörsvarshögskolans chefsprogram, har som syfte att beskriva och diskutera svensk luftoperativkrigsplanering 1958-1966 utifrån ett doktrinbegrepp. Någon uttalad luftoperativ doktrin fanns intevid denna tid varför denna får rekonstrueras utifrån en metod där ett antal faktorer beskrivs.Exempel på dessa är högre säkerhetspolitiska och militärstrategiska nivåer, lägre taktiska nivåer,upplevd hotbild, ledning, flygvapnets krigsplanläggning, samverkan med andra försvarsgrenar ochutveckling av nya vapensystem. Källmaterialet består i huvudsak av flygstabens hemliga arkivfrån samma år, vilket inte har studerats tidigare utifrån ett liknande syfte. Vidare problematiserasdoktrinutvecklingen genom att den även diskuteras utifrån olika perspektiv vars värde för ökadförståelse prövas.De konkreta frågeställningarna lyder:- Hur kan flygvapnets luftoperativa doktrinutveckling 1958-1966 beskrivas?- I vilken mån kan denna doktrinutveckling förstås utifrån rationalistiskt respektiveorganisatoriskt synsätt?Utifrån det överordnade säkerhetspolitiska ställningstagandet om alliansfrihet följde ett relativtstarkt försvar och den så kallade svenska linjen. Detta innebar dels ett relativt starkt flygvapen ochdels att flygvapnet kunde utvecklas efter en egen linje, inklusive doktrinärt, men i vilkenutsträckning så skedde har inte undersökts. Dimensionerande för flygvapnet var en sovjetiskinvasion, inkluderande kärnvapenanfall. Kort förvarningstid betonades ofta.Bärande element i Sveriges luftoperativa doktrin 1958-1966 kan kortfattat beskrivas som:- En strävan efter en relativt centraliserad ledning i syfte att kunna kraftsamla i tid och rum.- Ett prioriterat och väl utvecklat defensivt luftförsvarssystem, i huvudsak bestående av stril,luftvärn och jaktflyg som fokuserade på snabba bombplan på hög höjd ochluftlandsättningar, delvis till priset av en inte efterfrågad offensiv jaktförmåga.- En offensiv komponent i ett centralt sammanhållet attackflyg som under perioden i allthögre grad fokuserades mot sjömål vid en kustinvasion, alternativt indirekt samverkan viden gränsinvasion i norr. Tankar på massförstörelsevapen, anfall mot motståndarensbasområden samt direktsamverkande arméunderstöd övergavs under perioden, mensamtidigt utvecklades för framtiden ett nytt lätt attacksystem för den senare uppgiften.- Ett av kärnvapenhotet betingat bassystem som byggde på stor spridning, både på mångabaser och inom dessa, samt som skulle kunna få flygplanen i luften på mycket kort tid.Både ett rationalistiskt och ett organisatoriskt perspektiv har befunnits ge värdefulla bidrag till enökad förståelse för doktrinutvecklingen. Vissa skillnader perspektiven emellan har dockidentifierats. / This essay is written for Stockholm’s University as a part of the advanced level course in Historywhen attending the National Defence College Senior Staff Course. The purpose of the essay is todescribe the Swedish Air Force war planning and Air Power Doctrine during 1958 to 1966. TheSwedish Doctrine was then not formally expressed, and must consequently be reconstructed. Amethod is used that describes a number of factors, including higher levels of political guidanceand orders from the Supreme Commander, lower tactical levels, fighters, Command and Controlsystems and procedures, the threat to Sweden as it was experienced at the time, war planning,cooperation with the Army and Navy and development of new systems. Furthermore this Doctrineis discussed from different perspectives in order to see their contribution to the understanding ofthe complex conception of a Doctrine. The source of information is mainly the Air Staff TopSecret Archives. Neither that archive nor the period 1958-1966 have been examined by historianswith reasonably similar purpose.Starting with the question of how a Swedish Air Operations Doctrine of 1958 to 1966 can bedescribed, this essay comes to the following conclusions:The supreme doctrine of non-alignment resulted in a relatively strong defence and an ambition tobecome as independent as possible regarding weapon systems. This meant a strong Air Force thatcould develop independently, including doctrinaire. Dimensioning for the Air Force was aninvasion by the Soviet Union, including nuclear attacks.With this as a background the Swedish Air Operations Doctrine 1958 to 1966 included thefollowing leading elements:- An aspiration for a relatively centralized command with the purpose to be able to masspower when and where needed.- A prioritized and developed Air Defence System, including air surveillance, tacticalcontrol, fighters and SAM systems, which focused on Soviet fast and high bombers andairborne invasion. Air to air aspects of Offensive Air Operations did not have priority.- The tasks of the fighter-bomber force changed somewhat during the period. An invasionover the Baltic Sea was in focus during the whole period, but in 1958 the range of taskscould include everything from Close Air Support to base attack on the other side of theBaltic Sea, preferably with nuclear weapons which the Air Force pleaded for. 1966 the AirForce completely focused on invasion by sea, with a secondary role of Air Interdiction incase of a ground invasion in the far north. The new trainer, SAAB 105, that was developedduring this period was however designated as a light attack aircraft for CAS.- A very dispersed base system, including the use of roads, considering the nuclear threat,which was designated to get the fighters airborne as fast as possible.Both a rationalistic and an organizational perspective have been found to add elements ofunderstanding to the development of the Doctrine. However have some differences in theircontribution been identified. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 06-08