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The following study argues that existing historical interpretations of how and why the unification of British North America came about in 1867are flawed. It contends that rather than a movement propelled mainly by colonial politicians in response to domestic pressures - as generally portrayed in Canadian-centric histories of Confederation - the imperial government in Britain actually played a more active and dynamic role due to the strategic and political pressures arising from the American Civil War. Rather than this being a basic ‘withdrawal’, or ‘abandonment’ in the face of US power as is argued on the rare occasions diplomatic or strategic studies touch upon the British North American Act: this thesis argues that the imperial motivations were more far-reaching and complex. The British policy on union was bound up with the wish to make the provinces more responsible for defence, a need greatly intensified by the Civil War; however this imperative was meant to help preserve the North American colonies in the empire and even more vitally outside of the orbit of the United States. From the metropolitan government’s point of view Confederation had its genesis in the antebellum period and was a long-term aim - not only to secure the British North America - but even fact to counter United States hegemony in on the continent. Therefore rather than being conceived as a ‘retreat’, it was an overarching plan to challenge Federal preponderance in North America. Due to the security dilemmas arising from the Civil War the long-term nature of this scheme became unworkable and was therefore accelerated to become a short-term response to a strategic dilemma.

Technical advancements in 3D projection has recently made presentation of holographic images possible by using self-contained devices. Instead of using a screen to present objects, glasses like Microsoft HoloLens can render objects that appear as holograms around the user. SAAB Defence and Security are evaluating if this new technology can complement their command and control system 9LV Combat Management System. This degree project is a study of the technical possibilities and limitations of introducing holographic display of sonar tracks used for detecting submarines or sea mines. The project was started with a background study into what methods are available to render 3D underwater terrain. A basic hologram representing a map of littoral terrain was constructed and simulated sonar tracks from the command and control system was mapped into the terrain. Implementation of the application was done using the Unity 3D game engine that has built in support for the HoloLens. Performance evaluation was done using Unity3D profiler that is an extensive application evaluation tool that maintain overhead to a minimum. An evaluation of HoloLens usage onboard two different boats was done to conclude if the equipment can be used in the normal 9LV CMS operating environment. Results show that it is possible to successfully use holographic display for sonar tracks, but due to limited processing power of the HoloLens terrain detail will be reduced. Holograms are orientated by combining camera spatial mapping and an inertial measurement unit. Usage tests onboard a vessel indicates that holograms will unexpectedly move and the HoloLens will loose spatial mapping due to acceleration forces caused by seastate. / Tekniska framsteg inom presentation av 3D-objekt har nyligen möjliggjort användning av hologram presenterade med portabel utrustning. Istället för att använda en vanlig skärm kan glasögon, som Microsoft HoloLens, rendera objekt som användaren upplever i sin omgivning som hologram. SAAB Defence and Security utvärderar om den nya teknologin kan användas som ett komplement till deras ledningssystem 9LV Combat Management System. Det här examensarbetet är en studie av de tekniska möjligheter och begränsningar som finns för att bygga en applikation som visar sonar-information som ett hologram, främst att användas för ubåtsjakt och upptäckt av sjöminor. Projektet inleddes med en bakgrundsstudie om vilka metoder som finns tillgängliga för att rendera en 3D-karta av en havsbotten. En enkel applikation med en karta som föreställer en del av skärgården tas fram med simulerad sonar-information från ledningssystemet inlagt i kartan. Implementationen av applikationen gjordes med spelmotorn Unity3D som har inbyggt stöd för Microsoft HoloLens. Prestandautvärdering genomfördes genom att använda ett inbyggt profileringsverktyg i Unity3D som har liten påverkan på prestandan. Utvärdering av möjlig användningsmiljö gjordes genom att testa utrustningen ombord på två olika båtar för att avgöra om HoloLens kan användas i 9LV CMS normala operativa förhållanden. Resultaten visar att det är möjligt att använda holografisk visning för sonar-data men upplösningen av terrängen för kartan är något låg på grund av den begränsade beräkningskraften i Microsoft HoloLens. Hologram i Microsoft HoloLens orienteras genom att kombinera en djupseende kamera med en intern referensenhet. Användningstester ombord på båt visar på att vid accelerationer som uppkommer av sjöhävning tappar HoloLensen rumsuppfattningen tillfälligt och stoppar renderingen av hologrammet.

This thesis asks why Japan decided to procure BMD if it meant building an infrastructure which, because of its technological nature, had the potential to disrupt Japan’s preferred security strategy of hedging, that is, maintaining ambiguity of commitment, vis-à-vis China and the US. The investigation was divided into three parts dealing with the following questions – Why did Japan's BMD procurement matter? Who mattered? Why were the BMD and related decisions made? Such a structure of research was informed by “neoclassical realism,” according to which the relative material power of a country sets the parameters of its foreign policy, but the policy choices within these international constraints are made by political elites. A range of policymaking heuristics were used to investigate the domestic element of the approach. In addition to the conventionally specified policymaking actors such as MOD, MOFA, Prime Ministers, an original attempt was made to identify the possible influences of several elite networks. On the basis of the notes from the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference, two elite networks were analysed, namely the Japan’s Congressional National Security Research Group and Japan-US Centre for Peace and Cultural Exchange. It was concluded that they have probably had some influence on shaping Japan's BMD decisions. The conclusion of this research is that BMD was procured despite its disruptive potential because it was a tool of shifting Japanese policy from one hedging policy to another, that is, from one based on self-imposed restraints toward one exercised from the position of military strength. An analysis of international relations in East Asia in 1994-2007 and an analysis of the views of the security elites make Japan's transition toward a military strength-based hedging appear rational and confirm BMD's utility as a tool in this transition. Some negative consequences of a possible disruption to hedging, induced by BMD, can be contained exactly because of such a reformatting of hedging.

During the early Cold War, as the Soviet menace placed Canada in between two hostile superpowers, the Canadian government decided to take steps to ensure that its sovereignty and national interests were not threatened by the Americans in the new strategic environment. This study examines the extent to which the Canadian government actually defended its sovereignty and rights against American intrusions in the early Cold War. At its core is an examination of the government’s policy of gradual acquisition in the Arctic between 1945 and 1951. This thesis explores the relationships that existed at the time, the essence of the negotiations, the state of international law and the potential costs and benefits of certain Canadian courses of action. It also explains how Canada’s quiet diplomacy allowed it to avoid alienating its chief ally, contribute to continental defence, and strengthen its sovereignty during this period.

During the early Cold War, as the Soviet menace placed Canada in between two hostile superpowers, the Canadian government decided to take steps to ensure that its sovereignty and national interests were not threatened by the Americans in the new strategic environment. This study examines the extent to which the Canadian government actually defended its sovereignty and rights against American intrusions in the early Cold War. At its core is an examination of the government’s policy of gradual acquisition in the Arctic between 1945 and 1951. This thesis explores the relationships that existed at the time, the essence of the negotiations, the state of international law and the potential costs and benefits of certain Canadian courses of action. It also explains how Canada’s quiet diplomacy allowed it to avoid alienating its chief ally, contribute to continental defence, and strengthen its sovereignty during this period.

The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which were described by Radaelli as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all major relevant factors identified in the thesis (i.e., a common strategic culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence spending decline) which contribute to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through historical and empirical analysis. Furthermore, the relationship between CSDP and NATO is also explored. This approach facilitates the analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led EU leaders to support CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical analysis of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in the European defence sector facilitated the emergence of CSDP. Hence, these changes are analysed in view of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and R&D impact.

The manufacturing industry has experienced a change in the business environment during the last decade and has started to explore the possibilities of integrating products and services into new bundled offerings. A great deal has been published about this new phenomenon and it is often referred to as integrated solutions. When implementing an integrated solution it requires changes in the organizational structure, resulting in a need to develop further capabilities. Capabilities are explained as complex bundles of skills and accumulated knowledge possessed by organizations that enables them to coordinate their activities and make use of their assets. Previous literature has focused on the capabilities needed for suppliers that develop integrated solutions, leaving uncertainties regarding the needed capabilities for the customer. This research intends to investigate the capabilities needed from both the supplier’s and customer’s perspective and how they affect the development of integrated solutions. To investigate this, a thorough literature review was conducted to create a foundation of knowledge regarding the research area and resulted in a theoretical framework. The research follows a qualitative case study approach where empirical data was collected primarily through interviews but also by analyzing documents that resulted in needed capabilities for both actors. Furthermore, economic models were developed to provide a holistic view of the integrated solution and enable comparison with the current trading situation. The research resulted in five dimensions including capabilities needed for the supplier and four dimensions including capabilities needed for the customer when developing the integrated solution. The dimensions are: Control capability, Economic capability, Organizational capability, Production capability, and Relational capability. In this specific case study, the production capability dimension was considered unique for the supplier and did not iterate from the perspective of the customer. Apart from this, the dimensions were considered important for both actors. The findings indicate that the capabilities possessed by both the supplier and the customer affect the integrated solution and that it is important to investigate the needed capabilities form the perspective of both actors before developing the integrated solution. However, there were differences since some capabilities were required by only one actor and some were considered more or less essential depending on the actor. Furthermore, the findings imply that the uniqueness of the business relationship and the industry may affect the needed capabilities. / Under det senaste årtiondet har det skett en förändring i tillverkningsindustrin då flera företag har börjat undersöka möjligheterna att integrera produkter och tjänster till kombinerade erbjudanden. Denna förändring har förekommit frekvent i litteraturen och benämns ofta som integrerade lösningar. När man implementerar en integrerad lösning krävs förändringar i den organisatoriska strukturen vilket har resulterat i ett behov av att utveckla ytterligare förmågor. Förmågor definieras som komplexa kombinationer av kompetenser och den kunskap som finns hos organisationen som möjliggör att kunna koordinera sina möjligheter och utnyttja sina tillgångar optimalt. Tidigare litteratur har fokuserat på de förmågor som leverantörer behöver för att utveckla integrerade lösningar vilket skapar en osäkerhet gällande de förmågor som krävs av kunden. Studien avser att undersöka de förmågor som krävs både ur ett leverantörs- och kundperspektiv när man utvecklar integrerade lösningar. En noggrann litteraturundersökning gjordes för att skapa en grund av kunskap gällande forskningsområdet och resulterade i ett teoretiskt ramverk. En kvalitativ fallstudie utfördes där empirisk data samlades in genom huvudsakligen intervjuer men också genom att analysera dokument. Således resulterade fallstudien i de förmågor som krävdes av båda aktörerna för att utveckla den integrerade lösningen. För att skapa en helhetssyn över den integrerade lösningen utvecklades en ekonomisk modell vilket möjliggjorde för en jämförelse av den nuvarande handelssituationen. Undersökningen resulterade i fem dimensioner innehållande förmågor för leverantören respektive fyra dimensioner innehållande förmågor för kunden vid utveckling av den integrerade lösningen. Följande dimensioner identifierades: kontrollförmåga, ekonomisk förmåga, organisatorisk förmåga, produktionsförmåga och relationsförmåga. I denna specifika fallstudie ansågs produktionsförmågorna endast beröra leverantören och därav itererade dem inte ur ett kundperspektiv. Utöver denna förmåga ansågs alla dimensioner viktiga för båda aktörerna. Resultatet indikerar att det är viktigt att undersöka vilka förmågor som behövs både för leverantören och kunden vid utvecklingen av en integrerad lösning. Trots att många av de förmågor som identifierades i studien ansågs viktiga för båda aktörerna fanns det olikheter då vissa förmågor endast behövdes för en av aktörerna och vissa ansågs mer eller mindre viktiga beroende på aktör. Resultatet indikerar även att den unika affärsrelationen och den specifika industrin kan ha en påverkan på vilka förmågor som anses viktiga för aktörerna.

This thesis shall utilise digital humanities methods via modest data-collection tools to quantify and study the online discussion involving Russia and Ukraine online. The research shall apply sentiment analysis to Twitter data to understand the general divisiveness online relating to the war in Ukraine. In doing so, a foundation is formed to begin extrapolating theories on the extent to which disinformation and synthetic media shall mutate this already sensitive situation. Secondly, this thesis shall parse data from groups on the Russian website VK using groups which circulate blatantly dishonest content and disinformation, ultimately revealing how engagement and posting trends on these communities have developed over the timeline of this conflict. The research will also draw from two external studies to contrast the findings. Finally, beyond discussing past and present examples of disinformation, this thesis shall conclude by theorising the trajectory AI will take to alter this evolving dynamic. This troublesome theory is conceivable through mediums like deepfakes and predominantly concerns their scalability, which could shortly become mass-produced items as their creation becomes increasingly more accessible. This shall be attempted by quantifying the total number of tweets produced globally during the period the deepfake of president Zelensky circulated. Despite being in its infancy, this thesis shall ultimately argue that artificial media shall become more ubiquitous as catalysts of disinformation.

Ce travail étudie l’évolution des politiques de défense et des acquisitions militaires du Qatar et des Emirats arabes unis (EAU) depuis les années 1990. Il cherche à évaluer la prégnance du rôle des déterminants extérieurs et intérieurs dans l’élaboration des stratégies de ces deux petits Etats du Golfe et s’interroge sur la raison pour laquelle, confrontés à des défis en apparence assez similaires, ils ont adopté des stratégies différentes. Tandis que le Qatar a privilégié son rayonnement diplomatique et peu ou prou délégué sa sécurité à ses partenaires extérieurs, les EAU ont quant à eux organisé leur doctrine militaire autour de la consolidation de leurs outils de sécurité et de défense intérieurs tout en veillant à rayonner sur la scène régionale et internationale par divers canaux souvent identiques à ceux choisis par leurs voisins qataris. La thèse montre que les mutations du contexte régional doivent être articulées avec celles du contexte international pour comprendre les dynamiques communes aux politiques de défense et aux acquisitions militaires du Qatar et des EAU. Puis, elle montre que ces déterminants structurels doivent être articulés avec des variables intervenant au niveau national (territoire, démographie) et infranational (perception et réseaux du Prince) pour comprendre les contrastes entre leurs politiques. Pour finir, la thèse interroge la pérennité de l’économie et de la sociologie politique de ces « petits Etats-Princes » en les confrontant à des reconfigurations endogènes et exogènes susceptibles de les faire évoluer. / This thesis studies the evolving defence policies and military acquisitions of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) from the 1990s onwards. It seeks to assess the role of external and domestic incentives in shaping the survival strategies of these two small Gulf states and to understand why, while they were confronted with apparently similar challenges, they adopted different strategies. While Qatar has favoured its diplomatic influence and essentially guaranteed its security through its partnerships with external powers, the UAE have consolidated their internal security and defence tools while gaining regional and international influence through various channels which often were the same as those chosen by Qatari leaders. The thesis shows that the mutations of the regional context must be articulated with those of the international context to understand the common dynamics in Qatar’s and the UAE’s defence policies and military acquisitions. It then shows that these structural determinants must be articulated with variables at national (territory, demography) and subnational (the Prince’s perception and networks) levels to understand the contrasts between their policies. Finally, the thesis questions the sustainability of the political economy and political sociology of these “small Princes-states” by confronting them to endogenous and exogenous developments which are likely to make them evolve.