The thesis examines the case of the Waffen SS “Galicia” (a unit of the Waffen SS consisting of ethnic Ukrainian men) and analyses the process of their post-war civilianisation after 1945, when they surrendered to the British authorities in Austria, and until their re-location from the UK to Canada in the 1950s. The thesis also offers a critical analysis of the creation, development, and influence of the narratives concerning the Division, starting with the formation of the “Galicia” and continuing to the present day. The thesis argues that the current polarization of historiography on the “Galicia” Division (i.e. regarding them as either freedom fighters or collaborators) is unhelpful in attempting to produce a balanced account of the Division‟s post-war history and to explain the controversy surrounding its members‟ civilianisation. The thesis does not attempt to justify or condemn the Division‟s actions. Through the analysis of archival material and using a micro-historical approach it traces and analyses the combination of factors which enabled eight thousand Ukrainians who fought in the ranks of the German Army to be moved to the UK and be allowed to settle in the West as civilians.

This thesis is a comparative history of the post-war European socialist parties, 1943-1948 – with a focus on the Czechoslovakian Social Democratic Party and the Polish Socialist Party in Eastern Europe as well as the French Socialist Party and the Italian Socialist Party in Western Europe. Its foremost aim is to demonstrate that the countries of East and West, far from already being divided by an Iron Curtain, faced much the same challenges during these first post-war years. Contrary to the conventional historiographical picture of an international socialist movement split along Cold War lines, therefore, it draws attention to the divergences within and parallels across the two putative ‘blocs’. To do so, the thesis moves the spotlight away from geo-politics and focuses upon that set of problems that really dominated the agendas of the post-war European socialist parties – the problems of post-war reconstruction. The thesis addresses socialist attitudes towards two of the key dimensions of post-war reconstruction. Its first part deals with socio-economic reconstruction. This part demonstrates that there was often a profound disconnect between socialist leaders in national government and the workers at their grassroots. Whereas rank-and-file (socialist) workers berated their leaders for their failure to improve the material situation, for their inability to clamp down upon the black market, and for the remaining inequalities of post-war life, national party leaders scolded workers for their unruliness and for their unwillingness to make sacrifices towards the greater political good. Its second part deals with political reconstruction – more specifically with the question of rebuilding democracy. This part demonstrates that, contrary to what many historians of post-war (Western) European socialism claim, there was no across-the-board socialist conversion to a parliamentary road to socialism. Yet, the fault lines between those parties insisting on a strict adherence to the rulebook of political democracy and those advocating a radical departure from representative democracy did not divide neatly between East and West.

Cette thèse propose d’étudier la place des deux Allemagnes, c’est-à-dire de la RFA et de la RDA, dans les discours sur l’art contemporain en France entre 1959 et 1989. Il s’agit d’aborder de manière nouvelle l’histoire de l’art en France en considérant la place qu’y occupent ces deux pays. Leur confrontation met en relief la manière dont le regard sur les deux Allemagnes nourrit les débats et les questionnements spécifiques au contexte donné de la France. L’appréhension par le biais des deux Allemagnes permet de retracer une histoire des discours sur l’art contemporain en France dans un contexte d’antagonismes idéologiques. Les enjeux esthétiques et politiques sont indissociables dans la perception de chacune des deux scènes artistiques. Ils déterminent l’écriture de l’histoire de l’art sur le vif à laquelle se livrent les protagonistes des échanges. Dans la filiation des transferts culturels et de l’histoire croisée, ainsi que des études historiographiques récentes sur l’art contemporain, cette étude met en évidence la diversité des regards sur l’art des deux Allemagnes et en souligne les points aveugles. / This PhD thesis analyses the gaze cast on divided Germany which is at stake in the narratives on contemporary art in France between 1959 and 1989. It aims at considering French art history in a new way, paying attention to the discourses developed by French art critics and historians about the GDR and the FRG. The unequal reception of those two concurrent German art scenes during the cold war reveals the political antagonisms which French discourses about art are based on. This dissertation is inspired by historical methodologies provided by cultural transfers and crossed history, as well as by recent historiographical research on contemporary art. It points out the diverse perceptions of the two Germanies and underlines their blind spots.

Shortly after landing in France on D-Day, 6 June 1944, the British began a programme of care for the military dead of North-West Europe which would last for some seven years. The dead included not only the fatal casualties of the 1944-45 campaigns to liberate the occupied countries and conquer Germany, but also those who had died during the defeats in Norway and France in 1940. In addition, there the many thousands of missing RAF airmen who had been lost throughout the six years of the war. The Royal Navy, for obvious reasons, had few land-based dead, and thus it was the Army and the RAF who carried out the complex programme, ranging over vast areas of Europe and into Soviet territory as the Cold War began. The Army had the central role in registrations, exhumations, and the creation of the new military cemeteries, whilst the RAF’s focus was almost entirely upon the search for its missing airmen. The Services had different motivations and different agendas, but the ultimate goal of each was the honourable burial of the dead and the creation of registers of the long-term missing, who would later be commemorated on memorials. The British search and graves units, by the nature of their work, often discovered evidence of war crimes. The high cultural standing of the British dead was intrinsically related to the horrors of the Nazi regime, and revulsion against the nation responsible for so much suffering led to difficult policy decisions on servicemen’s graves in Germany. It was a matter of pride, however, that the German dead, many thousands of whom became the responsibility of the British, were treated in almost exactly the same way as their own servicemen.

Contrairement à l'idée longtemps répandue selon laquelle le premier boom des jumelages franco-allemands, entre 1963 et 1975, était unique, les années 1985 à 1994 présentent une véritable croissance. Le but de la présente étude est de dresser un tableau précis, fondé sur une sélection représentative de 40 études de cas, de la réussite des jumelages durant la période d'enquête de 1985 f 1994, peu explorée pour l'instant. Qui, pour quelle raison et dans quel contexte a joué un rôle important dans l'essor du deuxième boom des jumelages ? La présente étude a pu ainsi identifier l'origine des jumelages issus d'une combinaison de volonté politique, d'institutions semi-publiques, de réseaux issus de la société civile et de relations privées qui a assuré le succès des jumelages. C'est ainsi que ces partenariats sont devenus un «phénomène de masse» dans le contexte franco-allemand. L'étude met par la suite en lumière les résistances et obstacles existants ainsi que la mise en œuvre des motifs originels de création des jumelages dans la pratique. Elle contredit entre autres l'hypothèse selon laquelle les ressentiments et le motif de la réconciliation n'ont joué aucun rôle dans les années 1980 et 1990 lors de l'établissement des jumelages et montre en même temps que certains partenariats participent activement au travail sur le passé en poursuivant des buts historico-éducatifs, avec, par exemple, la visite de lieux de conflits historiques. Bien que la période étudiée courre de 1985 à 1994, les conclusions soulignent les tendances actuelles du mouvement communal tout en proposant des explications quant au nombre considérable et unique au monde des jumelages franco-allemands. / Contrary to the widely held idea that the first boom of Franco-German twinning between 1963 and 1975 was unique, the years 1985 to 1994 present another increase. The purpose of this study is to provide a clear picture, based on a representative selection of 40 case studies, of the success of twinning during the survey period 1985-1994, little explored so far. Who, why and in what context played an important role in the development of the second twinning boom? The present study has been able to identify the origin of twinning resulting from a combination of political will, semi­public institutions, civil society networks and private relations that all together ensured the success of twinning. Thus, these partnership have become a "mass phenomenon" in the Franco-German context. The study then highlights instances of resistance and obstacles during the survey period as well as the later success of implementation of the original motives mentioned during the creation of twinning. It contradicts, amongst others, the hypothesis that resentments and the motive of reconciliation played no role in the 1980s and 1990s during the establishment of twinning, demonstrating that at the same time some partnerships are actively dealing with the past pursuing historical-educational goals, by, for example, visiting locations of historical conflicts. Although the period studied runs from 1985 to 1994, the conclusions underline the current trends of communal movement as well while offering various explanations to the considerable and unique number of Franco-German twinning arrangements.

The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which were described by Radaelli as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all major relevant factors identified in the thesis (i.e., a common strategic culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence spending decline) which contribute to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through historical and empirical analysis. Furthermore, the relationship between CSDP and NATO is also explored. This approach facilitates the analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led EU leaders to support CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical analysis of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in the European defence sector facilitated the emergence of CSDP. Hence, these changes are analysed in view of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and R&D impact.

La thèse examine ce que signifie être intellectuel et communiste à travers le cas du critique littéraire. Dans ce but elle reconstitue « l’ordre des livres » communiste lors de la première Guerre froide (milieu des années 1940-milieu des années 1950). Après une présentation liminaire du contexte d’exercice et d’écriture de la critique littéraire d’« expression communiste » en Guerre froide, une première partie dresse un panorama de cette critique et de ses caractéristiques dans l’avant-Guerre froide et un contexte encore de basses eaux idéologiques. Puis la thèse étudie son durcissement et sa « pamphlétarisation », son anti-américanisation : son entrée en Guerre froide. Une troisième partie restitue le déploiement bibliographique, la « petite bibliothèque rouge » communiste de Guerre froide qui en découle, tandis que la dernière partie brosse les variantes, la crise larvée et l’ébauche d’inflexion du milieu des années 1950 de cette critique littéraire. Il résulte de ce parcours un portrait du critique littéraire communiste en « penseur d’orthodoxie » des livres et des auteurs, aux tendances « publicistes » fortes et un aperçu de la « culture littéraire » communiste : réaliste social(ist)e, soucieuse de thématiques issues du quotidien, des luttes politiques et sociales en France et dans le monde, dix-neuviémiste dans ses références esthétiques et littéraires, soucieuse d’efficience politique et sociale, anti-formaliste sur les plans esthétique et thématique… / This Master's thesis tackle what it means to be a Communist and an intellectual through the example of literary appreciation. In order to do so, it will reconstruct the Communist “order of books” during the first Cold War (mid 1940s-mid 1950s). After a presentation of how this literary criticism came to be and its writing process, a first part will give a comprehensive overview of the criticism and its caracteristics, before the Cold War, when ideologies were still fledgling. Then the thesis will focus on how the literary criticism became more radical, sounding more like pamphlets and being more anti-American; in other words, how it took part in the Cold War. The next part will analyze the development of a bibliography, which would later evolve into the "little red library" of Communism during the Cold War. Finally, the last part will show how the literary criticism started to morph in the mid 1950s, it will explain its variations and the dormant crisis that it experienced. As a result of this work, we will be able to draw a portrait of the Communist literary critic as a thinker who would envision his readings and its authors through the prism of Marxist orthodoxy, someone who would strongly feel about expressing his political views. We will see a glimpse of the Communist literary culture, with its both social and socialist realism, which was concerned with everyday issues or political and social struggles, both in France and abroad. In this culture, the influence of the 19th century could be seen in its esthetic and literary references alike, as it strove to achieve something socially and politically, in an uncluttered fashion, as far as topics and style were concerned.

Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d’analyser les différentes initiatives de partenariat liant les pays méditerranéens avec l’UE, ainsi que l’élucidation des différents degrés d’engagement et d'implication de ces pays et sous-groupements régionaux dans ces initiatives. Il vise également à dévoiler les différents atouts et faiblesses qui caractérisent les relations Euro-méditerranéennes. La finalité de ce travail de recherche consiste à éclaircir les enjeux de ces relations et la justification de l’utilité de rapprochement entre les pays Sud-méditerranéens avec l’UE dans un espace géographique restreint et dans un cadre historique limité. Ainsi, cette analyse s’est focalisée sur les différents atouts politiques, économiques et sociaux ayant marqué les relations euro-méditerranéennes, durant la période allant de la Chute du Mur de Berlin (1989) jusqu'à l'échec du Printemps Arabe (2013). A l’issue de cette thèse, plusieurs alternatives et pistes de réflexion ont été suggérées, dans la perspective d’éviter les raisons d’échecs déjà constatées et afin de contribuer à l’édification de fondements solides susceptibles de concourir à la réussite des futurs partenariats et initiatives de coopérations euro-méditerranéennes. / This thesis is attempting to analyze the various partnership initiatives between the Mediterranean countries and the EU, as well as the different degrees of commitment and involvement of these countries and sub-regional groupings in these initiatives.It also aims at revealing the different strengths and weaknesses that characterize the Euro-Mediterranean relations.The purpose of this research work is to analyze the issues of the Euromed relationships and the size of building links between the Mediterranean countries and the EU in geographically restricted space and during a limited historical period. This analysis has focused on the different political assets, economic and social issues which characterized the Euro-Mediterranean relationships, especially in the period from the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) until the failure of the Arab Spring (2013). Following this work, several alternatives and ideas have been suggested, with a view to avoiding the failure of stakes already recognized.The objective is to contribute to analysis of creating new strong frameworks which may contribute to the success of the future partnerships and initiatives in relation to the euro- Mediterranean cooperation.

Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967. / Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967.