In this diploma thesis Union for the Mediterranean. From Sarkozy's ambition to European reality I follow an interesting case of one foreign policy. A presidential candidate Nicolas Sarkozy suggested within his pre-election campaign to set up Mediterranean with ambitious goals; when he became president he began to realize this initiative. I argue, that his motivation was not to primarily solve the regional issues or/and integrate the Mediterranean a little bit more, but through this activity to attract media attention. It corresponds to the theory of mediatization which states that politicians hold a permanent campaign; and to attract publicity they adapt to media as much as they can. Instead of following the political logic they follow media logic. Nicolas Sarkozy has usually done so in terms of national/domestic politics, however what I show is the fact that a foreign policy can also be lead by the permanent campaign - or to be more precise that politicians are trying to appeal on the national audience through the permanent campaign, and on public abroad through public diplomacy, it is practically the same thing. It can happen that politicians care more about the media and less about their own policies; this can be certain aspect observed on the case of the Mediterranean Union's project. It was one of the...

The thesis tests the efficacy of Principal-Agent (PA) theory in explaining the creation and development of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). As such, the thesis is subject as well as theory-driven. Empirically, the focal point is how the interaction between the EU member states and the European Commission affected the development of the ENP. It is a theme which is largely overlooked in the ENP literature. In terms of theory, the ENP represents a fascinating case study for PA analysis not only because it has rarely been applied to the field of EU foreign policy but also because PA has seldom been used for studying the evolution of a policy (both pre and post-delegation). Conceptualising EU member states as principals and the European Commission as agent, the thesis examines PA dynamics through the following three ENP policy stages: formulation (2002-2004), finalisation (2004-2006), and implementation (2007-2009). Three hypotheses are tested for each stage of the ENP. Two hypotheses are rooted in PA scholarship, and address the influence of the agent as an informal agenda-setter, while the third distinguishes the agent's influence between different stages of the policy development. Methodologically, the research design is based on within-case process-tracing while the empirical data is drawn from a triangulation of official documents, secondary sources and elite interviews. The thesis findings show that during the initial stages of the policy, the Commission took advantage of its favourable position (e.g. informational asymmetries and uncertainty among the member states) to establish itself as the key actor in the ENP. As the ENP evolved, the Commission’s influence has diminished while the member states, collectively and individually, became more engaged in determining the course of the policy. However, contrary to PA assumptions, member states' increased oversight over the Commission did not come as a response to disobedient behaviour. Based on the empirical data, the Commission, as an agent, was in fact trying to implement the ENP following the guidelines which were previously agreed by its principals. Thus, in the case of the ENP, my PA analysis shifts from the traditional inquiry of how principals control opportunistic agents, to examining how principals could hinder the work of the agent. This phenomenon, broadly defined by Thompson (2007) as the ‘principal problem’, is an anomaly in existing PA literature dominated by an agency-biased standpoint and has previously not been analysed in the context of the European Union. Finally, the wider implication of this thesis is that there is still room for broadening the scope of PA analysis while highlighting the necessity to keep a watchful eye on both the principals and the agent.

This diploma paper analyses the Barcelona process and the Union for the Mediterranean. It aims to answer the question wether the Union for the Mediterranean is the continuation of the Barcelona process and to show the relations, similarities and differences. It is divided into three chapters. The first chapter characterizes the Mediterranean region and its importance for European Union. The second chapter describes the emergence and progress of Barcelona process. It also evaluates the Barcelona process. The third chapter is about the Union for the Mediterranean, its progress and its actual problems.

This work focuses on the Mediterranean Union project proposed by Nicolas Sarkozy during the French presidential campaign in 2007. It represents a comprehensive portrayal of the Mediterranean region which has been due to its unique characteristics the center of attention of various international parties involved. These have been trying to take advantage of the Mediterranean Sea potential namely since the end of the 20th century and, at the same time, to introduce stability by means of various integration groups and further projects of cooperation. The Barcelona Process was the most complex partnership project within the Mediterranean territory which was launched by the European Union in 1995. The Barcelona Process or the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership nevertheless has not brought any significant achievements, with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict being considered the greatest impediment to its success. The work stresses the significance of the new project of the Mediterranean Union, which should learn a lesson from all the previous and, in many aspects unsuccessful, integration efforts and try to find a different way which would lead to achieving stability and cooperation of the countries within the region. In 2008, the Union for the Mediterranean developed from the Mediterranean Union project, which should reassume within the most possible extent the Barcelona Process. At the same time, the new integration approach should not consist of setting general goals but of formulating specific goals and their gradual implementation, which could lead to the unity of the region in the end. Complex political issues, however, still pose the major threat today.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe išanalizuoti trys ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų regiono šalių bendradarbiavimo etapai, remiantis politinėmis teorijomis nurodytos neefektyvų bendradarbiavimą įtakojusios priežastys ir pateikti siūlymai kaip ateityje užtikrinti efektyvų bendradarbiavimą. Pirmoje dalyje analizuojamos dvi politinės teorijos – patobulinto autoritarizmo ir realizmo –, kurios šiame darbe naudojamos kaip teorinė prieiga neefektyvaus bendradarbiavimo tarp ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų šalių priežastims tirti ir paaiškinti. Antroje dalyje atskirai nagrinėjami ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų regiono šalių trys bendradarbiavimo etapai: 1) Nuo 1995 m. iki 2004 m. Barselonos procesas; 2) nuo 2004 m. iki 2008 m. Europos kaimynystės politika; ir 3) nuo 2008 m. Viduržemio jūros regiono valstybių sąjunga. Šioje dalyje kritiškai vertinama ES bendradarbiavimo politika, išskiriami teigiami ir neigiami aspektai bei nurodomos neefektyvaus bendradarbiavimo priežastys. / Master’s work analyses three stages of co-operation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East, indicates reasons for ineffective cooperation by using political theories and presents suggestions for achieving effective cooperation in the future. Political theories of authoritarian upgrading and realism that are used as theoretical framework for indicating and explaining reasons for ineffective cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East are presented in the first part of this work. Three stages of cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East: 1) From 1995 until 2004 the Barselona Process; 2) from 2004 until 2008 European Neighborhood Policy; 3) from 2008 Union for the Mediterranean are presented in the second part of this work. Critical view of the EU policies as well as its positive and negative aspects, and reasons for ineffective cooperation are also presented in this part.

Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d’analyser les différentes initiatives de partenariat liant les pays méditerranéens avec l’UE, ainsi que l’élucidation des différents degrés d’engagement et d'implication de ces pays et sous-groupements régionaux dans ces initiatives. Il vise également à dévoiler les différents atouts et faiblesses qui caractérisent les relations Euro-méditerranéennes. La finalité de ce travail de recherche consiste à éclaircir les enjeux de ces relations et la justification de l’utilité de rapprochement entre les pays Sud-méditerranéens avec l’UE dans un espace géographique restreint et dans un cadre historique limité. Ainsi, cette analyse s’est focalisée sur les différents atouts politiques, économiques et sociaux ayant marqué les relations euro-méditerranéennes, durant la période allant de la Chute du Mur de Berlin (1989) jusqu'à l'échec du Printemps Arabe (2013). A l’issue de cette thèse, plusieurs alternatives et pistes de réflexion ont été suggérées, dans la perspective d’éviter les raisons d’échecs déjà constatées et afin de contribuer à l’édification de fondements solides susceptibles de concourir à la réussite des futurs partenariats et initiatives de coopérations euro-méditerranéennes. / This thesis is attempting to analyze the various partnership initiatives between the Mediterranean countries and the EU, as well as the different degrees of commitment and involvement of these countries and sub-regional groupings in these initiatives.It also aims at revealing the different strengths and weaknesses that characterize the Euro-Mediterranean relations.The purpose of this research work is to analyze the issues of the Euromed relationships and the size of building links between the Mediterranean countries and the EU in geographically restricted space and during a limited historical period. This analysis has focused on the different political assets, economic and social issues which characterized the Euro-Mediterranean relationships, especially in the period from the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) until the failure of the Arab Spring (2013). Following this work, several alternatives and ideas have been suggested, with a view to avoiding the failure of stakes already recognized.The objective is to contribute to analysis of creating new strong frameworks which may contribute to the success of the future partnerships and initiatives in relation to the euro- Mediterranean cooperation.

Avec le lancement du Partenariat Euro-Méditerranéen (PEM) en 1995, les relations entre l’Union européenne et les Pays tiers méditerranéens (PTM) connaissent une évolution notable. Du fait de la mise en place d’un cadre multilatéral complété par la conclusion des accords d’association, ce Partenariat représente une rupture avec les politiques méditerranéennes antérieures. Dans le contexte du cinquième élargissement de l'Union européenne du 1er mai 2004, la Politique Européenne de Voisinage (PEV) transforme le PEM en préconisant la création d’un cercle d'amis avec les voisins méditerranéens du Sud et les nouveaux voisins de l’Est. Ce métissage est le résultat de la rencontre entre deux cadres à objectifs différents et contextes géostratégiques différents : le PEM comme cadre de coopération régionale établi dans les années quatre-vingt-dix et une PEV en tant que politique de l’UE employant les méthodologies issues du processus de préadhésion. Les transformations des relations euro-méditerranéennes après la PEV ont permis l'émergence progressive d'une nouvelle forme relationnelle avec un impact contrasté sur les dimensions bilatérale et multilatérale du PEM. Cette étude définit le résultat de cette nouvelle dynamique interactive des politiques de l’UE sous le nom de cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens. La délimitation des cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens passe par l’analyse des transformations des relations après le cinquième élargissement en distinguant la dimension multilatérale de la dimension bilatérale. Si la dimension régionale euro-méditerranéenne post-élargissement n’est que partiellement affectée par la PEV, la dimension bilatérale est, quant à elle, profondément modifiée par l’instauration progressive d’un cadre relationnel à mi-chemin entre l’association et l’adhésion. / With the launch of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995, the relation between the relationship between the EU and Mediterranean countries witnessed a significant evolution. With the establishment of a multilateral framework supplemented by the conclusion of association agreements, this Partnership represents a break with past Mediterranean policies. In the context of the fifth enlargement of the European Union on May 1st, 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) transforms the PEM; advocating for the creation of a circle of friends with Mediterranean neighbors in the South and the new neighbors in the East. This mix is the result of the encounter between two frameworks with different objectives in different geo-strategic contexts: the EMP as a regional cooperation framework established in the nineties on one hand and the ENP, i.e. an EU policy using the pre-accession process methodologies on the other hand. The transformation of Euro-Mediterranean relations after the ENP allowed for the gradual emergence of a novel relational framework with a mixed impact on the bilateral and multilateral dimensions of the EMP. This study defines the result of this new interactive dynamic of the EU policies falling under the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood framework. The delimitation of the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood frameworks involves the study of the transformations in the relations following the fifth enlargement, distinguishing between multilateral and bilateral dimensions. While the Euro-Mediterranean regional dimension post-enlargement is only partially affected by the ENP, the bilateral dimension is, in turn, profoundly changed by the progressive introduction of a relational framework halfway between the association and the membership.

Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée. / This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened.

Diploma thesis "the European Union's influence on the Middle East" is focused on problems of the European Union and its role and influence in that region. From this thesis is evidence that Europe or the EU took and still take interest in the Middle East and that its influence on that region from 90's of 20th century is getting bigger because of emergent common policy of EU in face of that region. EU increasing influence on the Middle East will be looked about EU foreign policy on the Middle East aimed at its economic and politic or security aims. This thesis is stressed at power-political and human-cultural structure among regions like the basis for understanding of complete influence the EU on that region. In next step the research characterizes foreign policy of the EU on the Middle East from the view of rise and development, actors, instruments and economic and politic or security aims. From the view of economic aims the thesis point out the energetic links focusing on oil and natural gas. From the view of politic or security aims the thesis approves that EU has increased its presence on the Middle East particularly by civil missions in Palestine and Iraq. The rise of Union for the Mediterranean in 2008 with the aim to institutionalize the running cooperation between the EU and...

Le grand élargissement de 2004 et la perspective d’une Europe élargie ont amené l’Union européenne (UE) à imaginer un cadre contractuel d’action homogène pour les voisins de l’Est et du Sud dénommée la politique européenne de voisinage (PEV). L’objectif de la PEV est d’éviter l’émergence de nouvelles lignes de division entre l'UE élargie et ses nouveaux voisins, mais également d’encourager la stabilité politique, la sécurité et la prospérité économique dans son voisinage. Il s'agit d'une stratégie incitative fondée sur une plus grande différenciation visant à encourager les réformes politiques et économiques internes. Dans le cadre de la PEV, l’UE propose au Maroc, à travers le statut avancé (SA), une relation privilégiée à mi-chemin entre association et adhésion basée sur l’acquis du Processus de Barcelone (PB). Les transformations des relations euromarocaines après la PEV ont permis l’émergence progressive d’une nouvelle forme relationnelle avec un impact positif sur la dimension bilatérale du partenariat euro-méditerranéen (PEM). Entre complémentarité et substitution, c’est la question de l’articulation entre les deux processus qui est au centre de notre étude. Outre cette problématique, le SA qui incarne la PEV suscite des incertitudes quant à sa finalité. Ce partenariat privilégié a pour finalité de mettre le Maroc dans une situation comparable à celle des États candidats à l’adhésion sans perspective d'adhésion. Dans un contexte international en pleine mutation et face à l’émergence d’autres puissances en Méditerranée, l’UE devrait repenser sa PEV, identifier un projet clair et cohérent visant à structurer les relations euro-méditerranéennes de demain. / The great 2004 enlargement and the prospect of an enlarged Europe led the European Union (EU) to imagine a uniform contractual framework for action for the neighboring Eastern and Southern named the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The objective of the ENP is to avoid the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its new neighbors, but also to encourage political stability, security and economic prosperity inits neighborhood. It is an incentive strategy based on greater differentiation to encourage internal political and economic reforms. Under the ENP, the EU proposes to Morocco, through the Advanced Status (AS), a privileged relationship midway between association and membership based on the acquis of the Barcelona Process (BP). The transformation of Euro-Moroccan relations after the ENP allowed for the gradual emergence of a novel relational framework with a positive impact on the bilateral dimension of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). Between complementarity and substitution, the question of the relationship between the two processes is central in our study. In addition to this addressed question, the AS that embodies the ENP, creates uncertainty to its purpose. This special partnership aims at putting Morocco in a situation such that of the States applying for accession without membership prospects. In an international context, changing with the emergence of other powers in the Mediterranean, the EU should rethink its ENP, identify a clear and coherent plan to structure the Euro-Mediterranean relations in the future.