<p>The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working to</p><p>transfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for in</p><p>frame of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which we</p><p>used was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a unique</p><p>normative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean</p><p>- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitative</p><p>approach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and content</p><p>analysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the Barcelona</p><p>Process; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by the</p><p>Tacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can we</p><p>identify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, and</p><p>are there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answer</p><p>whether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, in</p><p>accordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was the</p><p>bilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to make</p><p>Manners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights),</p><p>which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom House</p><p>freedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. The</p><p>results we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements we</p><p>found clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs in</p><p>degree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country is</p><p>committed to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differ</p><p>according to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stick</p><p>relationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Three</p><p>of the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did not</p><p>developed in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directly</p><p>traced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forces</p><p>influence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these states</p><p>but we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the written</p><p>agreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progress</p><p>seems to go very slowly.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to examine, analyse and discuss the ways in which the European Union is structuring its relations with its neighbours in the Mediterranean region, in regards of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, its Third Basket which is dealing with the socio-cultural cooperation and human affairs, and the initiative of the intercultural dialogue. In this thesis, it is shown that the human dimension of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership has experienced an increase in related debates, activities and initiatives within the post-9/11 world order. To organise the intercultural relations and the civil society input in the process, the Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue between Cultures was established in 2005. It is observed that within the framework of this renewed significance of the Third Basket and the notion of intercultural dialogue, there exist clear problems regarding the issues of the politicisation and securitisation of the process, the representation of cultural entities and the participation of civil society organisations. To conclude, it is suggested that the independence of the Euro-Mediterranean Foundation regarding the issues of funding and civil society participation need to be enhanced extensively as within the current situation the political actors and the governments of the partner countries have strict control over the functioning of the intercultural dialogue which is initiated as a solely non-governmental institution that would regulate the cultural relations in the region.

This diploma paper analyses the Barcelona process and the Union for the Mediterranean. It aims to answer the question wether the Union for the Mediterranean is the continuation of the Barcelona process and to show the relations, similarities and differences. It is divided into three chapters. The first chapter characterizes the Mediterranean region and its importance for European Union. The second chapter describes the emergence and progress of Barcelona process. It also evaluates the Barcelona process. The third chapter is about the Union for the Mediterranean, its progress and its actual problems.

<p>This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial. </p><p>This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP. </p><p>The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.</p>

This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial. This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP. The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.

The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working to transfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for in frame of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which we used was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a unique normative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean - has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitative approach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and content analysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the Barcelona Process; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by the Tacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can we identify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, and are there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answer whether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, in accordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was the bilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to make Manners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights), which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom House freedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. The results we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements we found clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs in degree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country is committed to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differ according to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stick relationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Three of the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did not developed in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directly traced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forces influence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these states but we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the written agreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progress seems to go very slowly.

Viduržemio jūros regionas ilgą laiką nebuvo aktualus nei Lietuvai, nei kitoms Vidurio ir Rytų Europos šalims. Globalizacijos akivaizdoje ES plėtojant vis glaudesnius ryšius su tarptautinėmis organizacijomis (JT, NATO, ET, PPO) ir kaimyniniais regionais, strateginio Viduržemio jūros regiono vaidmuo tapo ypač aktualus. Barselonos konferencijoje 1995 m. lapkričio 27–28 d. iškelta ES ir Viduržemio regiono bendradarbiavimo iniciatyva nepasiekė užsibrėžtų tikslų, todėl 2004 m. pradėta Europos kaimynystės politika buvo svarbus žingsnis atvėręs naujo regioninio bendradarbiavimo etapą. Viduržemio jūros regiono šalys nuo pat EKP pradžios intensyviai siekė ir siekia įsitraukti į EKP ir pasinaudoti integracijos pranašumais, ES savo ruožtu regioninio bendradarbiavimo atžvilgiu pradėjo taikyti ne tik tradicines diplomatijos ir prekybos priemonės, bet ir naujas iniciatyvas. Viena jų, nagrinėjama šiame magistro darbe – bendradarbiavimas švietimo ir aukštojo mokslo srityje. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti ES ir Viduržiemio jūros regiono bendradarbiavimą bei išanalizuoti, ES vykdomos politikos įtaką Viduržemio jūros regiono švietimui ir EKP vykdomų į aukštąjį mokslą nukreiptų programų ir projektų efektyvumą. Atliekant šį tyrimą naudojami šaltinių ir literatūros analizės, lyginimo ir pusiau struktūrinio interviu tyrimo metodai. Pirmoje dalyje nagrinėjama ES ir Viduržemio jūros regiono šalių bendradarbiavimo raida, išskiriant ir analizuojant Barselonos konferencijos vaidmenį ir įtaką tarpregioniniam... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The Mediterranean region has not been very interesting for a long time not only for Lithuania, but also for others Middle and East Europe countries. In the era of globalization, while EU is constantly building new connections with international organizations (UN, NATO, EC, WTO) and local neighboring regions, the role of strategic Mediterranean has recently became a very important topic. At a conference in Barcelona on November 27 – 28, 1995 a new revival between the Mediterranean and the EU was attempted. However, the desired results were not reached. As a result of this failure in 2004 a new European neighborhood policy was started. This step was very important since it opened a new stage of regional collaborations. All Mediterranean countries have always tried and are still trying to get into EKP and to use integration advantages. At the same time, the EU started to apply not only traditional political diplomacy and international marketing actions, but also began to build new initiatives. One of those new initiatives -- “Collaboration in education and higher education” -- is the subject of the analysis of this masters degree. The main point of this work is to reveal the collaboration between the EU and the Mediterranean region, as well as to analyze the influence of the EU on the Mediterranean region’s education and explore the efficiency of the programs and projects related to higher education. For this research we used literature analysis, halfway structure interviews... [to full text]

Magistro baigiamajame darbe išanalizuoti trys ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų regiono šalių bendradarbiavimo etapai, remiantis politinėmis teorijomis nurodytos neefektyvų bendradarbiavimą įtakojusios priežastys ir pateikti siūlymai kaip ateityje užtikrinti efektyvų bendradarbiavimą. Pirmoje dalyje analizuojamos dvi politinės teorijos – patobulinto autoritarizmo ir realizmo –, kurios šiame darbe naudojamos kaip teorinė prieiga neefektyvaus bendradarbiavimo tarp ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų šalių priežastims tirti ir paaiškinti. Antroje dalyje atskirai nagrinėjami ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų regiono šalių trys bendradarbiavimo etapai: 1) Nuo 1995 m. iki 2004 m. Barselonos procesas; 2) nuo 2004 m. iki 2008 m. Europos kaimynystės politika; ir 3) nuo 2008 m. Viduržemio jūros regiono valstybių sąjunga. Šioje dalyje kritiškai vertinama ES bendradarbiavimo politika, išskiriami teigiami ir neigiami aspektai bei nurodomos neefektyvaus bendradarbiavimo priežastys. / Master’s work analyses three stages of co-operation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East, indicates reasons for ineffective cooperation by using political theories and presents suggestions for achieving effective cooperation in the future. Political theories of authoritarian upgrading and realism that are used as theoretical framework for indicating and explaining reasons for ineffective cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East are presented in the first part of this work. Three stages of cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East: 1) From 1995 until 2004 the Barselona Process; 2) from 2004 until 2008 European Neighborhood Policy; 3) from 2008 Union for the Mediterranean are presented in the second part of this work. Critical view of the EU policies as well as its positive and negative aspects, and reasons for ineffective cooperation are also presented in this part.

Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d’analyser les différentes initiatives de partenariat liant les pays méditerranéens avec l’UE, ainsi que l’élucidation des différents degrés d’engagement et d'implication de ces pays et sous-groupements régionaux dans ces initiatives. Il vise également à dévoiler les différents atouts et faiblesses qui caractérisent les relations Euro-méditerranéennes. La finalité de ce travail de recherche consiste à éclaircir les enjeux de ces relations et la justification de l’utilité de rapprochement entre les pays Sud-méditerranéens avec l’UE dans un espace géographique restreint et dans un cadre historique limité. Ainsi, cette analyse s’est focalisée sur les différents atouts politiques, économiques et sociaux ayant marqué les relations euro-méditerranéennes, durant la période allant de la Chute du Mur de Berlin (1989) jusqu'à l'échec du Printemps Arabe (2013). A l’issue de cette thèse, plusieurs alternatives et pistes de réflexion ont été suggérées, dans la perspective d’éviter les raisons d’échecs déjà constatées et afin de contribuer à l’édification de fondements solides susceptibles de concourir à la réussite des futurs partenariats et initiatives de coopérations euro-méditerranéennes. / This thesis is attempting to analyze the various partnership initiatives between the Mediterranean countries and the EU, as well as the different degrees of commitment and involvement of these countries and sub-regional groupings in these initiatives.It also aims at revealing the different strengths and weaknesses that characterize the Euro-Mediterranean relations.The purpose of this research work is to analyze the issues of the Euromed relationships and the size of building links between the Mediterranean countries and the EU in geographically restricted space and during a limited historical period. This analysis has focused on the different political assets, economic and social issues which characterized the Euro-Mediterranean relationships, especially in the period from the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) until the failure of the Arab Spring (2013). Following this work, several alternatives and ideas have been suggested, with a view to avoiding the failure of stakes already recognized.The objective is to contribute to analysis of creating new strong frameworks which may contribute to the success of the future partnerships and initiatives in relation to the euro- Mediterranean cooperation.

Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée. / This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened.