The purpose of this study is to critically evaluate three scholarly perspectives -- balance of power, institutional, and security complex -- to examine the evolving dynamics of security interdependence and inter-state relations among Southeast Asian states and external powers since 1945. This study is thus a comparative evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of the three methods in their empirical analysis of the regional security dynamics of Southeast Asia.¶ There is much merit in the balance of power approach. It tracked the consequences of the bipolar Cold War rivalry on Southeast Asia. Its logical construction led it to be concerned with alliances, coalitions and alignments. But it has not satisfactorily explained the relatively benign conditions after the Cold War. The institutional approach similarly emphasizes material explanatory factors (although, in its case, not exclusively so). It identifies the emergence of institutions when groups of countries find it in their mutual interest to cooperate through rules and norms. But the approach may prove to be incomplete in assessing ASEAN's post-Cold War behaviour. As an analytical device, the security complex is deployed to provide a corrective to the over-emphasis (of the other two approaches) on the systemic dynamics. By identifying regional and local dynamics interacting with systemic dynamics via patterns of amity and enmity, it offers explanatory accounts of the behaviour of regional states in situations where the other two approaches fail to do satisfactorily. Moreover, it provides a framework for the deployment of constructivism, which identifies the ideational process whereby interdependent regional states respond to changes in both the power and amity-enmity attributes.¶ This study concludes that security relations among Southeast Asian states and in their relations with external powers after the Cold War, are better examined using the three approaches in a complementary manner. In this way, the influence of local amity-enmity patterns is seen to impact on balance of power and institutional situations.

This dissertation is a case study of the EuroMed Partnership (EMP). It aims to examine the complex political, economic and social interrelationships in the EMP, and their impact on regional security in the Euro-Mediterranean region. The main thesis proposed here is that regional integration is taking place to the point of a regional security complex being established among EMP-member countries. This would contrast with the Middle East Regional Security Complex suggested by Buzan and Waever (2003). The dynamics observed reflect realist concerns with security among members. They also display neo-liberal integration approaches as well as the regional reciprocal (re-)constructions of structure, interests, and identities as suggested in the constructivist literature. A triangulated mix of qualitative research methods is utilized with primary data from elite interviews, as well as from official publications of member governments and institutes. Secondary data from analyses by other researchers provide comparison data for this dissertation. It will contribute to a framework for understanding the shifting security environment in the Euro-Mediterranean region from 1995 to the present in terms of regional integration, peacemaking and peacekeeping.

This thesis aims to contribute to the debates on the Justice and Development Party (JDP) era Turkish foreign policy by putting Turkey into the regional security complex theory and examines changes and continuities of Turkey&rsquo / s traditional cautious, relatively &ldquo / passive&rdquo / role and &ldquo / relative indifference&rdquo / stance towards the Middle East security complex. Hence, the framework of analysis is the regional security complex theory, attributed roles and role changes of Turkey within regional security complexes. This study, with a historical perspective and within the framework of the regional security complex theory, questions continuities and changes in the JDP period Turkish foreign policy, and comes to the conclusion that in the JDP era, Turkey&rsquo / s role is going beyond the insulator state function to the &ldquo / interface logic&rdquo / which adopts a loose form of geographical boundaries.

Pagrindinis darbo tikslas yra išanalizuoti Europos Sąjungos šiaurinio regiono, akcentuojant Rusijos Federacijos ir Norvegijos Karalystės įtaką regione, vaidmenį, užtikrinant energetinį saugumą Europos Sąjungoje, bei numatyti galimas ES energetikos politikos perspektyvas netolimoje ateityje. Siekiant geriau atskleisti darbo tikslą, keliami šie uždaviniai: apibrėžti saugumo sąvokos pagrindines dimensijas, veiksnius bei regioninio saugumo komplekso svarbą ir reikšmę Europos Sąjungos kontekste; atskleisti Europos Sąjungos šiaurinio ir Arkties regionų vaidmenį ES energetikos politikoje; išanalizuoti dabartinę ES energetinę padėtį ir priklausomybę nuo energetinių išteklių importo; išsiaiškinti Rusijos Federacijos ir Norvegijos Karalystės vietą ES energetinio saugumo kontekste; numatyti ES kaip galimo energetinio saugumo komplekso energetikos politikos ateities gaires. Parašius darbą pavyko patvirtinti iškeltą ginamąjį teiginį, jog nacionalinių valstybių kova dėl energetinių išteklių ir individualūs sprendimai sudaro sąlygas energetiniam nesaugumui Europos Sąjungoje, kadangi ES deklaruojamas siekis kalbėti „vienu balsu“ ir įgyvendinti bendrą energetinę politiką, prasilenkia su valstybių nacionaliniais interesais ir lieka neįgyvendintas. Nors Europos Sąjunga gali būti laikoma energetiniu saugumo kompleksu, kuriame energetinės priklausomybės santykis tarp šalių yra suvokiamas kaip grėsmė (kurios šaltinis iš esmės yra vienas – Rusijos Federacija), tačiau didėjantis vartojimas ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The main object of this study is to analyze the role of the North region of European Union, ensuring energy security in the EU and foresee the possible perspectives of the EU’s energy policy in the nearest future. The North region is analyzed emphasizing two countries which are main energy suppliers for Europe – Russian Federation and Norway. For a better understanding of the object, the specific proposition has been formulated: the struggle of the national states for energy resources and individual decisions allow energy insecurity in the European Union since the EU’s declared objective „to speak in one voice“ is inconsistent with national interests of EU’s member states. Although the European Union can be defined as the complex of energy security in which the relation of dependence is comprehended as a threat (the main source of this threat is the Russian Federation’s energy monopoly), however the growing consumption and competition for energy resources encourage the countries to search for alternative energy resources and its suppliers. These actions disrupt the initiatives of the common European Union’s energy policy. The political consciousness is not yet grown in the EU’s countries and it determinates the weakness of the EU as a political construct in case of competition with the rising economical powers (such as India and China) for energy resources. On the other hand the consumption is growing in the Russian market as well, which implies possible insecurity of supply... [to full text]

The aim of this thesis is to examine the changing characteristics of the regional security complex in Central Asia. The thesis focuses on the changes in the roles that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) plays in promoting regional security in Central Asia, especially since the formation of the international coalition against international terrorism in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Contrary to the mainstream literature that focuses mainly on the security concerns of either regional powers or of great powers that considered this region as their own sphere of influence, this thesis argues that Central Asia&rsquo / s security issues that emerged in the aftermath of 9/11 could be explained better by taking the emerging regional security complex in Central Asia as the main unit of analysis. The thesis consists of seven chapters: In Chapter 1, thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 develops a conceptual framework for the thesis by examining the nature of regional security complex theory. This is followed by the examination of the characteristics of regional security complex in Central Asia in Chapter 3. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the foreign policies of the United States, Russia and China towards Central Asia. Chapters 5 and 6 examine the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, its role in the struggle against international terrorism and their reflections on the changes of the characteristics of Central Asian regional security complex. Last chapter concludes the thesis.

This diploma thesis deals with the Arctic geopolitical region from the perspective of one of the most influential regionalist concepts in the modern IR theory and international security studies - the regional security complex theory developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver from the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute. The main aim of the thesis is to examine whether such a specific geopolitical region as the Arctic could be analyzed from the perspective of this theory and defined as a regional security complex with a unique security dynamics and an intense interconnection of major processes of securitization and desecuritization. This research question seeks to suggest a theoretical and analytical tool for studying the specific regional dynamics of the Arctic, and alternatively identify shortcomings of the theory in confrontation with the case and propose possible theoretical modifications. The diploma thesis concludes that the Arctic can be classified as a regional security complex in terms of Buzan's and Wæver's theory, although as an emerging one with rather weak securitization interconnections yet with a big potential to develop into a strong and dynamic security complex. The application of the Arctic case to the theory however showed that there is a need for some theoretical modifications to make...

The aim of this report is to explain the effect and the outcome of the Swedish-Finnish military cooperation and propose political courses of action to improve its deterrent qualities. It gives an extensive background on the defense policies in Sweden and Finland after the breakdown of the Soviet Union and the Treaty of Warsaw with a focus on the two countries reactions to Russian aggression in Georgia and the Ukraine. The report establishes that the cooperation is in fact a military alliance and analyzes the cooperation from a realistic perspective with elements based on social constructivism. Official documents, laws and legal documents are examined and an interview with a senior ranking Swedish military officer is made to provide the necessary factual base and input for the analysis. The analysis is performed with a view to both a short term and a long-term perspective. This report concludes that there is need for a binding treaty between the two countries concerning military assistance in case of an armed conflict with Russia. That there is urgent need especially for Sweden to increase defense spending. But also, that a military alliance between the two countries is a rational and politically sound idea. The cooperation should focus on mutual defense plans to increase military effectiveness, economic efficiency, and political resolve in the alliance.

Never before have developing nations been able to compete at the international level, both economically and militarily. But, we are currently in an age where developing nations, such as Brazil, Russia, India, and China, are able to develop so rapidly that they are able to excel within the international economy, which allows for an increased investment in military and technological capabilities. Consequently, these rapidly developing nations are able to influence the international system. To see how much of an effect these rapidly developing nations are having within the international system, they will be measured against 5 indicators that correlate with becoming a rising regional hegemon, a feature of a multi-polar system. The multi-polar international system that we see emerging is contrary to Kenneth Waltz's assertion that a multi-polar international system is unstable, and a bi-polar international system is preferred. New global conditions indicate that Waltz's analysis may not stand the test of time. / Master of Arts

This thesis aims to discuss the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the sources of Russia&rsquo / s influence over its other member-states. It focuses on the origins of the CSTO and the development of security cooperation within the CSTO framework. The thesis argues that although the CSTO continues to be a Russia-centric regional security organization, Russia&rsquo / s influence over the other CSTO member states has been gradually limited throughout the 2000s due to the increasing diversity in the threat perception of the other CSTO member states and the increasing penetration of the other regional security organizations into the post- Soviet space. Following the Introduction chapter, the second chapter discusses the origins of security cooperation within the framework of the CIS. The third chapter analyzes the CSTO in terms of its structure and activities since its establishment in 2002. The next chapter outlines the transnational challenges to the security of the post-Soviet states and their threat perception, as well as the efforts to promote regional security by the regional actors. The fifth chapter analyzes the increasing involvement of other regional security organizations, such as SCO, OSCE, and NATO into the post-Soviet space. The concluding chapter discusses the main finding of the thesis.

The regional security aspect is becoming increasingly more important within security studies. The United Nations and the United Nations Security Council has expressed an intent to utilize regional organizations as security actors with regards to maintaining international peace and security, with the purpose of achieving a greater sense of legitimacy for conflict resolution. This study aims to explore the possibilities of using such organizations within regions of varying stability, and how this usage can relate to the idea of legitimacy. Based on regional security complex theory, this study seeks to show how regional organizations have been used by the Security Council within different security sectors, and how this usage is affected by the degree of integration within the region. The result of the study show that the idea of legitimacy is easiest to achieve in regions with a mid-level degree of regional integration and concerning questions of political security. The results also show a tendency within the Security Council to use organizations from other regions with higher levels of integration in regions with lower levels of integration, and raises the question if this way of using regional organizations may risk harming the ultimate goal of legitimacy.