En combinant une sociologie historique du politique et des rapports entre intellectuels et le champ politique, cette thèse revient sur la création et les quelques mois d’activité du Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Créé en février 1948 par des écrivains et journalistes, des parlementaires de la S.F.I.O. et des militants syndicalistes et politiques, le R.D.R. devait rassembler autour d’un discours de refus du positionnement en fonction de l’alternative entre les « blocs » atlantistes et soviétiques. Il s’agissait pour un certain nombre de ses membres exerçant une profession intellectuelle d’inventer une position au sein du champ politique.A partir d’une biographie collective du groupe, complétée par une sociographie, ce travail met en évidence les particularités sociales de son recrutement et les positions qu’occupaient ses membres en 1948. La perméabilité entre les champs politiques et de production des biens symboliques permet d’expliquer la tentation partisane collective au principe de la création du Rassemblement.L’étude précise de la mobilisation en train de se faire montre que les multiples tentatives d’institutionnalisation du groupe se heurtent finalement à l’impossible stabilisation d’un répertoire de l’action collective. Tout se passe comme si la mobilisation autour du R.D.R. n’était aboutit que pour ses membres intellectuels et qu’à défaut de constituer une entreprise politique légitime, ce parti avait surtout fonctionné comme un « intellectuel collectif ». La réinscription de l’engagement au sein du R.D.R. dans une histoire longue des rapports entre champ politique et de production des biens symboliques souligne comment la conjoncture spécifique allant de la libération du territoire au début de la « guerre froide » a rendu possible une telle tentative de subversion des frontières symboliques au sein du champ du pouvoir.En renonçant à une analyse univoque du RDR comme un « échec », ce sont les enjeux liés à l’intervention politique des intellectuels que ce travail donne à voir. / From a combination between historical sociology of politics and sociology of interaction between intellectuals and political field, this thesis looks back at the creation and the few months of existence of the Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Launched on February 1948 by authors, commentators, socialist parliamentarians and political and union activists, the R.D.R. aimed at rallying around the refusal of taking sides between soviet and Atlantic bloc. Based on a collective biography complemented by a statistic and sociographical approach, we brought to light the social particularity of its members as well as their respective status in 1948. Permeability between the political field and this of symbolic properties production, explains the collective partisan temptation underlying the R.D.R.’s creation. The thorough study of the mobilization in the process shows that the multiple attempts to institutionalize the group failed to stabilize a repertoire of contention. It is as if the R.D.R.’s mobilization was only efficient for its intellectual members and as if, instead of a political party, they only succeeded in creating a “collective intellectual”. Contextualizing the R.D.R. in an extensive history of the relationships between political and intellectual fields reveals how the specific situation between France's liberation and the “cold war” allowed such an attempt to overstep the symbolic boundaries within the field of power. Given up the exclusive approach of the R.D.R. as a failure, it is the matters related to the political involvement of intellectuals that this thesis unveils.

Orientador: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Karina Anhezini de Araújo / Banca: Francisco Assis de Queiroz / Banca: Angelo Aparecido Priori / Resumo: A proposta deste trabalho é examinar comparativamente a trajetória política de um grupo de agentes dos Departamentos de Estado e da Defesa dos Estados Unidos, descrevendo seu papel na gênese da Guerra Fria, entre 1945 e 1950. Na primeira parte, é proposta uma discussão conceitual do tema e a configuração do contexto sócio-político, destacando o mercado de bens simbólicos em torno dos quais foi criada a Doutrina de Contenção de George F. Kennan. Em seguida, é feita a construção das origens e das trajetória de um grupo específico de intelectuais que deram suporte à referida Doutrina para, finalmente, comparar a evolução social, política e econômica de cada um a partir do papel que exerceram na conformação da Guerra Fria. Como fonte histórica, adotar-se-á a produção intelectual disponível de George F. Kennan e obras historiográficas, bibliográficas e documentos oficiais do Departamento de Estado, além de trabalhos biográficos e de memórias / Abstract: This work intends to compare the political trajectories of some US State and Defense Departments' officers related with Cold War's genesis (1945-1950). Divided in three parts, the first one discusses the theoretical views that shaped the period social-political background, the power elite concepts and the symbolical market created around George Kennan's containment policies. Then, the origins and trajectories of a group of officials and intellectuals who gave support to the referred policies will be described, to finally explore their social, political and economic backgrounds, as well as their role in shaping a new foreign policy for their country. George Kennan's intellectual production was the chief historical source of this work, but historiographical and bibliographical volumes related to the period were also examined, along with official documents from State and Defense Department, biographies and memories written by the researched / Doutor

This diplomatic and military history offers a new interpretation of the origins of the three fighting fronts during the final phase of the Cold War in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan. Vaguely remembered today as proxy wars on the periphery, in fact, these were protracted revolutionary civil wars and regional contests for the balance of power in which millions died, while at the same time they were central to global superpower confrontation. Analysis focuses on the strategy and policy of the United States. The chronology from 1975 to 1982 covers the Ford administration's covert action intervention in the Angolan Civil War, which came to grief at the hands of Cuban troops; Jimmy Carter's effort to conduct foreign policy based on principles, which ran foul of power considerations in Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Afghanistan; and Ronald Reagan's embrace of these wars early in his first term as part of the revival of U.S. strength in its competition with the Soviet Union. The principal argument is that, while generally undervalued as controversial small wars of dubious significance, these wars were in fact integral to U.S. experience of limited war during the Cold War following victory in World War II. In strategic terms, the main conclusion is that the U.S. restricted itself to conducting economy of force contingency operations in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan as a result of its costly struggles in Korea and Vietnam. Despite declaring these peripheral wars to be central to the Cold War, avoiding the costs of involving U.S forces directly in Third World conflicts and minimizing the risks of escalation with the Soviet Union were overriding political and military imperatives.

Este trabalho propõe o estudo da ideia de “fim da História”, conforme apresentada pelo cientista político norte-americano Francis Fukuyama. Em um primeiro momento, delimitamos seu conceito de “fim da História” a partir do artigo original The End of History?, de 1989, e de suas publicações seguintes, até o livro The End of History and the Last Man, de 1992. Na segunda parte, após contrastar a ideia ao paradigma de “choque de civilizações”, de Samuel Huntington, aproximamos a estrutura conceitual proposta por Fukuyama de tópicos da teoria da história e história da historiografia relacionados ao conceito moderno de História e sua eventual exaustão identificada por diversos autores. No terceiro momento, o trabalho aborda o percurso da obra de Fukuyama após a repercussão inicial de sua proposta de “fim da História”, até os dias de hoje, buscando eventuais novidades à estrutura conceitual delimitada anteriormente. A título de conclusão, abordamos o cenário atual dos debates da historiografia para especular acerca do futuro do campo do conhecimento e do ofício do historiador. / This work proposes the study of the idea of the “end of History“, as it is presented by the North American political scientist Francis Fukuyama. At first, we delimit the concept from his original article The End of History?, published in 1989, and from his following publications, up to his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man. In the second part, after contrasting Fukuyama’s idea to Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” paradigm, we put the conceptual structure proposed by Fukuyama alongside topics regarding theory of history and history of historiography related to the modern concept of History and its eventual exhaustion, already signaled by several authors. The third part approaches the long course of Fukuyama’s work regarding “the end of History”, after the repercussion of his initial article up until the present days, looking for eventual innovations in the conceptual structure previously designed. For the sake of conclusion, we approach the current debates around the topic, to speculate about the future of the field of knowledge and the role attributed to the professional historian.

Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.

Les années 1950 et 1960 apparaissent comme deux décennies d’intense effervescence dans le champ du cinéma thaï. L’adoption, à l’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, du format 16mm par une nouvelle génération de cinéastes donna lieu à l’essor d’une production cinématographique très populaire dans le royaume. Alors que les comédies musicales réalisées par les fondateurs pionniers de la compagnie Phaphayon Siang Si Krung jusqu’en 1941 semblaient promettre la pérenne hégémonie d’un véritable « Hollywood du Siam », ces fictions joyeusement rhapsodiques, filmées avec des moyens de fortune et accompagnées en direct par la légendaire faconde de doubleurs professionnels, rencontrèrent un vaste public de Bangkok aux plus lointains villages de province, dans le cadre de projections en prolongement direct avec les spectacles mixtes d’antan. La disparition accidentelle, le 8 octobre 1970, de l’acteur Mit Chaibancha au cours du tournage d’Insi thong [« L’aigle d’or »] mit cependant un brusque terme à cette expérience, singulièrement tardive, de cinéma oral. La récente constitution d’un fonds d’archives à la Cinémathèque thaï a permis la mise à jour de riches vestiges de cette bien nommée « ère du 16mm ». Cette recherche se propose comme une première tentative historiographique pour exhumer ce patrimoine visuel, à la fois ancré dans la tradition dramatique siamoise et apparu dans le contexte d’une dictature militaire placée sous la complexe influence de son allié américain en ces années de Guerre Froide. / The 1950s and 1960s appear as two decades of intense effervescence in the field of Thai cinema. In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the adoption of the 16mm format by a new generation of filmmakers gave rise to a very popular cinematic production in the kingdom. Whereas the musicals directed by the pioneer founders of the Phaphayon Siang Si Krung company until 1941 seemed to promise the perennial hegemony of a real ‘Hollywood of Siam’, these joyously rhapsodic fictions, filmed with makeshift means and accompanied live by the legendary loquaciousness of professional dubbers, encountered a broad public from Bangkok to the most remote provincial villages, within a screening framework stemming directly from earlier mixed shows. Nevertheless, the accidental disappearance of the actor Mit Chaibancha on the 8th of October 1970, during the shooting of Insi thong [« The golden eagle »], put an abrupt end to this singularly belated experience of oral cinema. The recent composition of an archival fund at the Thai Film Archive permitted the bringing to light of rich vestiges from this well-named ‘16mm era’. This research is a first historiographical attempt to exhume this visual patrimony, both embedded in the Siamese dramatic tradition and generated in the context of a military dictatorship that came under the complexe influence of its American ally during these Cold War years.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo propor uma releitura do papel do Jornal do Brasil como órgão de imprensa que estava inserido nos debates políticos e econômicos que estavam ocorrendo no Brasil entre os anos de 1949 e 1950. O período estudado apresenta como principais características contextuais: o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, o início da Guerra Fria, o processo de redemocratização do país e os debates referentes à segurança nacional, que terá como foco, a questão do petróleo. As fontes privilegiadas são os editoriais e artigos produzidos no Jornal do Brasil durante este período, que serão analisados sobre três aspectos: a defesa de uma proposta de exploração do petróleo que propugnava a participação de capitais norte-americanos, o discurso defendido pelo JB em relação a esta questão e os artigos que se estruturaram em defesa de um alinhamento político com os EUA, repúdio ao comunismo / The objective of this work is to make a reread of the Jornal do Brasil, as organ of press that was inserted us economic and political debates that were occurring in Brazil between the years of 1949 and 1954. The period studied presents as main characteristics: the end of the Second World War, the beginning of the Cold War, and the redemocratization of the country and the debates regarding national security, that will have like focus the question of the oil. The springs privileged saints the editorial and articles produced in the Jornal do Brasil during this period, that will be analyzed about three aspects: the defense of a proposal of exploitation of the oil with the participation of American capitals, the talk defended by the JB regarding this question and the articles that were structured in defense of a political alignment with the U.S.A., repudiation to the communism

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-09-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:34:15Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 izzo_rc_me_fran.pdf: 1079975 bytes, checksum: a8b8ea02dad822c12c2db1b1ef3c8777 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a concepção e a conformação da cultura da paz, enquanto conceito e programa de ação das Nações Unidas, no cenário internacional da década de 1990, e o significado do referido conceito frente à axiologia da paz. Os anos de 1989, que simboliza o término da Guerra Fria, e o de 2001, com a declaração da “guerra ao terrorismo”, pelo presidente dos Estados Unidos, demarcam o período delineado para a análise desenvolvida, pois permitem a configuração de um período com características semelhantes no que concerne ao predomínio da cooperação internacional e da multilateralidade, à recorrência de grandes conferências internacionais, no âmbito das Nações Unidas, e de reformulações teóricas e práticas no mandato das operações de paz, ensejando um ambiente normativo propício para a criação do conceito e do programa cultura da paz, conforme constatado. Quanto à análise do conceito de cultura da paz frente aos demais significados da paz, empreende-se, nesta pesquisa, análises histórico-analíticas que abrangem desde a concepção tradicional de paz enquanto ausência de guerras, quanto uma análise pormenorizada do conceito de cultura da paz / The objective of this research is to analyze the conception and the conformation of culture of peace as a concept and action programme of the United Nations, within the international scene during the 1990s, and the meaning of such concept regarding the axiology of peace studies. The years of 1989 – considered a symbol of the end of the Cold War – and 2001 – with the declaration of “war on terrorism” by the president of the United States – are the historical references for this research due to some particular characteristics of the period of time between these two years. Such period of time can be described as a decade when international cooperation and multilateratelism were predominant in the international system, when worldwide international conferences within the United Nations regularly occurred and when there were major alterations regarding the mandate and practices in peace operations. All these facts generated a period that can be described as a normative environment, in which the concept and the action programme on culture of peace could be developed. The concept of culture of peace is therefore analyzed in a historical-analytical framework that made it possible to consider from the traditional perspective of peace – as the absence of wars – to the meaning of culture of peace

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:43:28Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pennacchi_amt_dr_assis_parcial.pdf: 177450 bytes, checksum: 2c0f9a5ffa60bed865b8ee2acd02c7fb (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-02-09T17:15:04Z: pennacchi_amt_dr_assis_parcial.pdf,Bitstream added on 2015-02-09T17:15:41Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000648938.pdf: 1488947 bytes, checksum: bc514d8e37395dc4ad999f2217df2a6e (MD5) / A proposta deste trabalho é examinar comparativamente a trajetória política de um grupo de agentes dos Departamentos de Estado e da Defesa dos Estados Unidos, descrevendo seu papel na gênese da Guerra Fria, entre 1945 e 1950. Na primeira parte, é proposta uma discussão conceitual do tema e a configuração do contexto sócio-político, destacando o mercado de bens simbólicos em torno dos quais foi criada a Doutrina de Contenção de George F. Kennan. Em seguida, é feita a construção das origens e das trajetória de um grupo específico de intelectuais que deram suporte à referida Doutrina para, finalmente, comparar a evolução social, política e econômica de cada um a partir do papel que exerceram na conformação da Guerra Fria. Como fonte histórica, adotar-se-á a produção intelectual disponível de George F. Kennan e obras historiográficas, bibliográficas e documentos oficiais do Departamento de Estado, além de trabalhos biográficos e de memórias / This work intends to compare the political trajectories of some US State and Defense Departments’ officers related with Cold War’s genesis (1945-1950). Divided in three parts, the first one discusses the theoretical views that shaped the period social-political background, the power elite concepts and the symbolical market created around George Kennan`s containment policies. Then, the origins and trajectories of a group of officials and intellectuals who gave support to the referred policies will be described, to finally explore their social, political and economic backgrounds, as well as their role in shaping a new foreign policy for their country. George Kennan’s intellectual production was the chief historical source of this work, but historiographical and bibliographical volumes related to the period were also examined, along with official documents from State and Defense Department, biographies and memories written by the researched

De 1945 à 1956, les « personnes déplacées » (réfugiés volontaires ou exilés par les déportations, les persécutions et le projet d’extermination) ont vécu sous la garde des autorités internationales dans les centres initialement ouverts par l’UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration). En attente d’un retour toujours plus hypothétique ou d’un visa d’émigration, la majorité de ces milliers de DPs, ainsi que les a baptisés la pudeur de l’administration internationale, se trouvait sur le sol allemand. Parmi eux se trouve une petite proportion de rescapés de la destruction des Juifs d’Europe bientôt rejointe par les « infiltrés », fuyant l’antisémitisme persistant à l’Est ou revenus d’exil. Privés de l’espoir d’un retour à la vie antérieure à la destruction et espérant une émigration prochaine qui se fait attendre, les DPs juifs vivent en Allemagne un temps suspendu tandis que se modifient les équilibres internationaux jusqu’à la guerre froide. Dans cet intervalle, voué à l’attente et à l’inactivité forcée, dans la promiscuité et la misère de la vie du camp DP, des hommes, des femmes et des enfants ont fondé une société singulière. La présente recherche s’intéresse à la représentation de cette communauté par elle-même. Autobaptisée She’erit Hapletah, ceux qui restent survivant, elle naît et se dévoile au travers de performances variées. Dernière expression d’une culture yiddish foisonnante en Europe, elle se concentre sur les zones britannique et américaine d’occupation de l’Allemagne. Cette étude s’attache aux performances DP entre 1945 et 1952, date du transfert de la responsabilité des réfugiés de l’autorité internationale vers la RFA. / Two weeks after the VE-Day, a group of survivors performed a show in the displaced persons camp of Belsen singing and playing the life they endured in the sadly famous concentration camp nearby and the life before it all happened just as the future they wanted up to now. This theatre was the first of dozens of Jewish theatre groups to perform shows all over Germany in DP camps where refugees from the non-enemy nations and victims of the Holocaust were waiting in the hope of a next emigration to Palestine or the United States. They lived in camps opened by the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), behind gates or even barbed-wires of the “assembly centers”, controlled by military forces. Opened in 1945, the last assembly center closed down no less than eleven years later. While waiting on the “cursed soil” of Germany, the Jewish DPs, unable orunwilling to work for or even in Germany, dedicated their time to perform and represent themselves, not only on the theatre, but also in sport events, bals, ritual plays and every imaginable kind of performance. This research focuses on the Jewish DPs temporary settled in West Germany and the way they built up a new life by performing the past and the next future in Eretz Israel. This work interrogates the possible significances of the performances in Yiddish just after the Holocaust and the way survivors dealt with their past in the present of the new camp. After 1948, the rate of the DPs in Germany progressively decreased, the cultural, artistic and politic experiences disappeared at the same time, therefore, this work ends up in 1952 and focuses mainly on the years 1945-1949.