Este estudo reconstitui a trajetória e a contribuição intelectual de Comentário (1960-1973), revista financiada pelo American Jewish Committee (AJC) que seguiu o modelo da americana Commentary criada quinze anos antes. A publicação reuniu proeminentes nomes da cultura nacional e internacional da década de 1960. Procuramos pelas origens da revista nos Estados Unidos por meio de sua relação com a empreitada cultural norte-americana durante a Guerra Fria, considerando que tal publicação se dizia aberta ao amplo debate cultural. Através da recuperação de partes deste debate avaliamos o papel do intelectual na cultura. A revista possibilitou uma análise da postura intelectual judaica no período pós-Holocausto, momento em que se ponderou o contexto internacional do alinhamento de Israel ao Ocidente, os processos antissemitas da União Soviética e a ruptura das relações entre Israel e União Soviética em 1953. Comentário favoreceu o estudo da inserção da comunidade judaica no contexto cultural e político brasileiro da década de 1960 e primeiros anos da década de 1970, abrangendo o golpe de 1964 e os anos de maior repressão política as ideias no Brasil. Nossa hipótese é de que a revista Comentário ofereceu, por seu potencial crítico e inovador, um espaço privilegiado para a intelligentsia judaica e não judaica no Brasil pensar as questões políticas e culturais de seu tempo no universo das ações que se desenvolveram no pós-guerra a partir da criação da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), sobretudo através da Organização Educacional, Científica e Cultural (UNESCO) e do conceito de Direitos Humanos. Consideramos o impacto destes valores na cena cultural brasileira, sua relação com a comunidade judaica radicada no Brasil e com o espaço da classe dirigente. A revista atuou como um espaço de divulgação dos estudos sobre antissemitismo, etnicidade, racismo e intolerância gerando linhas de pesquisas que têm hoje a sua atualidade. Através do inventário biográfico de alguns colaboradores da revista e sua produção, resgatamos a história de uma importante geração de intelectuais. / This study reconstructs the history and the intellectual contribution of Comentário (1960-1973), a magazine funded by the American Jewish Committee (AJC), which followed the model of the American Commentary established fifteen years earlier. The publication brought together prominent names in national and international culture of the 1960s. We seek the origins of the magazine in the United States through its relationship with cultural undertaking U.S. during the Cold War, considering that such a publication called itself \"open to broad cultural debate.\" Through the recovery of parts of this debate we evaluate the role of intellectual culture. The magazine has enabled an analysis of Jewish intellectual position in the post-Holocaust, when it weighed the international context of the alignment of Israel to the West, the processes of anti-Semitic Soviet Union and the rupture of relations between Israel and the Soviet Union in 1953. Comentário favored the study of the insertion of the Jewish community in the Brazilian political and cultural context of the 1960\'s and early 1970\'s, covering the 1964 coup and the years of greatest political repression in Brazil ideas. Our hypothesis is that the magazine Comentário offered by its critical and innovative potential, a privileged space for the Jewish and non Jewish intelligentsia in Brazil think the political and cultural issues of his time in all the actions that have developed in the postwar Since the creation of the United Nations (UN), especially through the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the concept of Human Rights. We consider the impact of these values in the Brazilian cultural scene, its relationship with the Jewish community living in Brazil and the space of the ruling class. The magazine served as a forum for dissemination of studies on anti-Semitism, ethnicity, racism and intolerance causing lines of research that has its relevance today. Through the biographical inventory of some employees of the magazine and its production, we rescued the story of an important generation of intellectuals.

Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T23:31:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Correa_LarissaRosa_D.pdf: 2370150 bytes, checksum: 68062629b0c6bbd1d02d39659e9366a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Este estudo analisa o papel do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil durante o período da Ditadura Civil-Militar, por meio das atividades realizadas pelo Instituto Americano para o Desenvolvimento do Sindicalismo Livre (IADESIL) e do Instituto Cultural do Trabalho (ICT), entidades financiadas pelo governo estadunidense, pela AFL-CIO e grandes corporações norte-americanas. A pesquisa observa as ações dos sindicalistas norteamericanos voltadas para o desenvolvimento de projetos sociais e educativos na área do mundo do trabalho, incluindo os programas de intercâmbio para os Estados Unidos, interpretando-as como estratégias para implantação do chamado sindicalismo "livre e democrático" e a contenção do comunismo no Brasil. Uma das principais questões deste estudo é compreender os motivos que levaram o regime militar, mesmo no período de maior alinhamento com os interesses dos Estados Unidos, a não adotar o modelo contratualista de regulamentação trabalhista norte-americano. Para tanto, serão analisadas as relações entre os sindicalistas brasileiros e norte-americanos por meio das atividades educacionais conduzidas pelo IADESIL e o ICT, bem como a política trabalhista formulada pelos diferentes governos militares. Ao observar o desenvolvimento do programa Aliança para o Progresso na área sindical no Brasil, este estudo chama a atenção para a complexidade das relações transnacionais ocorridas durante a Guerra Fria. Nesse sentido, as ações dos sindicalistas e autoridades civis e militares brasileiras são consideradas fundamentais para compreender as relações sindicais entre Brasil e Estados Unidos entre os anos de 1964 e 1978. Não menos importante é compreender os motivos que levaram o IADESIL a diminuir suas ações no movimento sindical brasileiro a partir dos anos 1970. Por fim, deve-se enfatizar que a análise do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil, no apogeu da Guerra Fria, representa um importante estudo de caso que expõe as contradições, os limites e os desafios da política sindical internacional da AFL-CIO naquele período / Abstract: This study aims to analyze the role of the American trade unionism in Brazil under the Civil-Military Dictatorship. The dissertation focuses on the activities of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), funded by the U.S. government, the AFLCIO, and U.S. employers. The analysis will point out how the Americans unionists created labor programs that I understand as a way to promote the so called "free and democratic" unionism and to combat Communism in Brazil. Accordingly, I question why the military regime, even during the high point of its alliance with the U.S. state, decided not to adopt the American contractualist labor relations system. To this end, I will analyze relations between Brazilian and American trade unions through the educational activities conduct by the AIFLD. Nevertheless, in observing the projects of the Alliance for Progress related to Brazilian unionism, I emphasize the complexity of transnational relations during the Cold War, focusing on the actions of the Brazilian government and local trade unionists which I consider to be essential in the implementation of American trade union programs in the country. Last but not least, the study seeks to understand the causes that made the AFL-CIO retreat its project in the country in the 1970s. The examination of the U.S. trade-unionism in Brazil during the heydays of the Cold War in Latin America seems to be an interesting case study of the contradictions of the AFL-CIO's international policy during that period / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutora em História

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T20:55:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Watanabe_PauloDaniel_M.pdf: 999144 bytes, checksum: 8815958cb5f872591dac667a06deaeda (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Após render-se em 15 de agosto de 1945, dando fim à Segunda Guerra Mundial, o Japão se encontrava destruído economicamente e fisicamente, ficando sujeito a sete anos de ocupação dos Aliados (liderada pelo General norte-americano MacArthur). Ao início da Guerra Fria, foram assinados em 1951 o Acordo de Paz de São Francisco e o Acordo de Segurança Japão-EUA. Dessa maneira, as Forças de Ocupação lideradas pelos norte-americanos deixaram o Japão, que teve sua soberania restaurada em 28 de abril de 1952, quando o Acordo de São Francisco passou a vigorar. Em seqüência, o país serviu de bases norte-americanas para garantir o domínio e a presença dos EUA na região Ásia-Pacífico, em troca da segurança de seu território. O presente trabalho procura analisar a forma como se construíram a política externa e a de segurança do Japão, assim como a sua projeção internacional. Verificar-se-á, como resultado, se houve ou não mudanças de comportamento nessas áreas / Abstract: After surrendering on August 15th 1945, putting an end to the World War II, Japan was completely destroyed economically and physically, being subjected to a seven-year-occupation by the Allies (led by the U.S. General MacArthur). At the beginning of the Cold War in 1951, the San Francisco Peace Agreement and the Security Treaty Japan-U.S. were signed. Thus, the Occupation Forces led by the U.S. left Japan, which had its sovereignty restored on April 28th 1952 when the Peace Treaty came into effect. After that, Japan served as an American military base in order to protect its influence in the Asia/Pacific Area in exchange for the security of its territory. This essay intends to analyze the way in which Japan's foreign policy and its defense policy were constructed, as well its international power projection. It is also expected to check, as a result, whether there was or not any changes in its behavior in these areas / Mestrado / Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2013-12-09T17:31:50Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Sousa, Rodrigo-Tese-Historia-2013.pdf: 2384504 bytes, checksum: 18bd48b5bffb599ba0b0019fd6ad9ff6 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-12-09T17:31:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Sousa, Rodrigo-Tese-Historia-2013.pdf: 2384504 bytes, checksum: 18bd48b5bffb599ba0b0019fd6ad9ff6 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O conservadorismo é hoje a mais importante família ideológica no cenário político norte-americano. Seu significado, no entanto, comporta muitas ambigüidades e suas manifestações ao longo da história americana têm sido as mais variadas. Sua expressão mais recente, uma coalizão de movimentos de oposição ao moderno liberalismo americano, toma forma logo depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial e deve muito de seus temas e posicionamentos ao trabalho de um dos seus “pais fundadores”, o jornalista William F. Bukley Jr., e sua revista National Review, criada em 1955. A fim de entender esse conservadorismo do pós-guerra, procede-se a uma breve discussão teórica sobre o conservadorismo como um conceito e, em seguida, a um panorama de algumas de suas principais manifestações na história do pensamento político americano. Depois usa-se uma seleção de escritos de Bukley e de seus colegas na National Review para uma caracterização da crítica geral que formularam ao “Establishement” liberal dos anos 1950 e 60, a partir do tratamento dado a vários episódios da época. Finalmente, como um caso especial, analisa-se a abordagem de National Review a respeito do movimento dos direitos civis, com ênfase na luta pela dessegregação escolar nos anos 50 e as campanhas de Martin Luther King na década seguinte. / Conservatism is the most important ideological family in the American political scene today. Its meaning, however, raises many ambiguities and its manifestations throughout American history have been very diverse. Its more recent incarnation, a coalition of movements opposed to modern American liberalism, appears right after World War II and many of its subjects and positions come from the works of one of its “founding fathers”, the journalist William F. Bukley Jr., and his magazine, National Review, created in 1955. In order to understand this postwar conservatism, there is a brief theoretical discussion of conservatism as a concept, followed and overview of its main manifestations in American political thought. Then a selection of Bukley’s and his National Review colleague’s articles are analyzed to illustrate the main traits of their criticism of the liberal “Establishement” of 1950’s and 60’s. Finally, as special case, we investigate National Review’s position on the civil rights movement, emphasizing school desegregation in the 1950’s and Martin Luther King’s campaigns of the next decade.

L’œuvre romanesque de Romain Gary est un écho du XXe siècle. Des périls de l’histoire, l’écrivain n’en ignore aucun. La Seconde Guerre mondiale forge sa conscience morale ; elle est la source de son gaullisme, basé sur un idéal de l’Homme, auquel il demeure fidèle. Mais au-delà de cette matrice, les années d’après-guerre façonnent également sa pensée. Car ses carrières diplomatique et littéraire n’ont pas été dissymétriques. Des quinze années passées au Quai d’Orsay, nombre de ses romans sont directement inspirés. La diplomatie révèle donc la topographie de la pensée de l’écrivain, qui ne résulte pas seulement du traumatisme de la Shoah et de la fraternité de la Résistance, mais est également forgée en réaction au totalitarisme soviétique et à la résurgence des nationalismes. Explorer sa carrière diplomatique, c’est aller aux sources de son œuvre romanesque, déceler dans l’événement le matériau de la fiction. Romain Gary a donc doublement composé avec l’histoire immédiate, cherchant à en comprendre les déterminants – c’est le travail du diplomate – et à en dépeindre les effets – c’est l’œuvre de l’écrivain. Dès lors, le roman apparaît comme le palimpseste de la dépêche. Et c’est en démêlant cet écheveau, entre diplomatie et littérature, histoire et fiction, que sa pensée politique apparaît avec le plus de clarté, de complexité aussi, et de nuances : en tirant ce fil, son œuvre romanesque démontre son unité et sa cohérence tant vis-à-vis des événements historiques que des positions de l’homme. / The novels of Romain Gary echo the events of the 20th Century. None of the great crises of the period is ignored by the author. Gary’s moral conscience was forged by the Second World War and it led him to a philosophy of Gaullism based on a human ideal, to which he always remained faithful. But beyond this matrix the post-war years also shaped his thinking. His diplomatic and literary careers follow a symmetrical path. His fifteen years working for the French Foreign Ministry were the direct inspiration for several of his novels. It is diplomacy which reveals the writer’s intellectual topography. This was not just a product of the trauma of the Shoah and the fraternity of the resistance but was also forged in reaction to Soviet totalitarianism and the resurgence of nationalisms. To explore his diplomatic career is to discover the sources of his novels, to reveal the factual basis of his fiction. Romain Gary made a double usage of contemporary events, first as a diplomat intent on understanding underlying causes, second as a writer painting a picture of the effects. Thus the novel can be seen as a palimpsest, a reworking of the diplomat’s despatch. As this skein is untangled, as diplomacy and literature, history and fiction are teased apart, Gary’s political thinking is revealed in the greatest clarity, complexity, and nuance. As the thread is drawn out, Gary’s novels demonstrate a unity and a coherence both with regard to historical events and to his own personal convictions.

Cette thèse aborde l’histoire des activités spatiales françaises en parcourant leur évolution depuis les premières recherches scientifiques dans la haute atmosphère entreprises après la fin de la deuxième guerre mondiale jusqu’à la création de l’Agence spatiale européenne (ESA), au milieu des années 1970. Née dans la guerre froide, la politique spatiale française constitue sous la présidence du général de Gaulle, un des éléments de la politique d’indépendance nationale puis, sous l’ère du Président Pompidou, elle accentue son caractère industriel ouvert à la coopération avant de devenir européenne au début du septennat du Président Giscard d’Estaing. Centrée sur le Centre national d’études spatiales (CNES) l’étude souligne le rôle de l’État dans un secteur de hautes technologies où la politique est soumise à l’interaction entre des facteurs nationaux et internationaux comportant des enjeux géopolitiques et géostratégiques. Privilégiant les aspects institutionnels, elle analyse le processus d’élaboration de la politique mise en œuvre à partir des années 1960. D’abord, perçue comme élément de prestige au service du rayonnement de la France dans le monde, la politique spatiale interagit avec l’évolution du système technique pour répondre aux enjeux économiques et industriels que comportent les applications spatiales. L’étude met en évidence l’impérieuse nécessité d’un dialogue permanent entre les acteurs, techniciens et politiques, dont l’interdépendance participe à la formation du processus décisionnel. / The subject of this thesis is the history of space activities in France, evolving from the first scientific atmospheric research programmes undertaken after the Second World War up to the creation of the European Space Agency (ESA) in the 1970s.A by-product of the Cold War, the French Space Policy was one of the pillars of national independence under the presidency of General De Gaulle. Under President Pompidou, it becomes more industrial and opens up to cooperation, only to become European in the beginning of President Giscard d’Estaing 7-year mandate.Focused on the French space agency (Centre national d’etudes spatiales (CNES)), this study emphasizes the role of the state in the high technology sector where policy is submitted to the interaction of national and international factors, taking into account geopolitical and geostrategic stakes. Highlighting the institutional aspects, the study analyses the elaborative process of the policy implemented in the 1960s. First of all perceived as a way of putting France in the spotlight at global level, space policy evolves with technology to face the economic and industrial challenges of space applications. The study highlights the vital necessity of a permanent dialogue between technological and political actors,

Doctoral Dissertation PhDr. Kathleen Brenda Geaney English-Speaking Communists, Communist Sympathizers and Fellow- Travellers and Czechoslovakia in the Early Cold War (Anglicky mluvící komunisté, komunističtí sympatizanti a podporovatelé a Československo v počátcích studené války) Abstract The dissertation is a study of some of those people with Communist Party affiliations and fellow-travellers, who journeyed behind the Iron Curtain to see for themselves what life was like in the new people's democracy. The research focuses on Czechoslovakia as a tourist destination for a surprising number of anglophones in the early years of the Cold War. It argues that Soviet experience served as a best practices model for officialdom in Prague. This was modified where necessary to take into account the lessons learnt, national particulars, and the new geopolitical context. In both situations, foreigners were evaluated in terms of importance and potential as far as the communist cause was concerned. Key words: Czechoslovakia, communism, Cold War, English-speaking foreigners, hospitality techniques

This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.

This thesis is dedicated to the rupture between Henry A. Wallace and Truman's administration during the forties of the twentieth century, that is mainly to the Wallace's disagreement with the Democratic Party regarding U. S.-Soviet relations. Disapproval of the former Roosevelt's vicepresident with the official standing of the American foreign policy ultimately lead to his presidency candidacy in 1948 and to the creation of protest Progressive Party, which was supposed to shield this candidacy. The purpose of the thesis was to ascertain to what degree these events had been formed by the commencing Cold War and on the contrary which role was played by Wallace and his followers. In the thesis, I analyzed Wallace's shift in opinion towards Soviet Union, determinants of his viewpoint and direct causes of his leave from Democratic Party. I devoted to the circumstances leading to creation of the Progressive Party, its structure and the role of communists in this process. The core theme is presidential campaign in 1948 and analysis of the reasons behind Wallace's defeat; one chapter is devoted to the reflection of this campaign in the forming Eastern Bloc, including its propaganda employment in the communist media press. Additionally, following evolvement of Progressive Party and the reasons of the Wallace's...

1 Abstract This MA thesis discusses contemporary US literature in Czechoslovakia between 1948 and 1956 in order to see how the US was represented through the chosen American writers and their works. The first two chapters look at how the parallel canon was established, both from historical and theoretical perspective. The third chapter discusses Langston Hughes as the representative of American poetry. It shows how Hughes was used to draw attention to racial inequality in the US. Howard Fast as the superstar of the "Czechoslovak America" is the focus of the fourth chapter. The cases of both Fast and Hughes show that contemporary US authors published in Czechoslovakia at that time were chosen for the way they depicted the US racial and social inequality and the repression of political opposition, and identified themselves as members of the so called progressive America. Reading Hughes and Fast from the Eastern side of the Iron Curtain contributes to Czech scholarship on the 1950s and adds new perspectives to the contemporary reconsiderations of American leftist writers.