Master of Arts / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / This work examines Maxwell M. Rabb's role in the area of civil rights and race relations from January 1953 through May 1958 during the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Rabb was the first Secretary to the Cabinet, a position created by Eisenhower. In his lesser known duty, Max Rabb quietly developed many aspects of President Eisenhower's civil rights program. Chapter One describes Rabb's pivotal role in ending segregation in the military establishment to include the Navy and the Veterans Administration. In this chapter Rabb is a lone operator, personally meeting with principal actors in the Eisenhower Administration and U.S. Congress to end segregation. Chapter Two examines how Rabb participated in and helped to develop the various organizations of the White House. As the organizations within the Eisenhower White House matured, Rabb was able to use them as roads into the problem of civil rights and to use their power to advance civil rights. The final chapter focuses on the confluence of race relations and human rights on the one hand with U.S. domestic and foreign policy on the other. The chapter uses four cases studies to illustrate the growing importance of American race relations in world affairs after World War II. Max Rabb's participation in each case serves as a reminder that the American domestic sphere had become a cause of international concern and could damage the credibility of U.S democratic values in the a world where racial sensitivity was on the rise and increasingly a factor in international relations. This work ends by concluding that Rabb's effectiveness was severely limited by President Eisenhower's narrow understanding of the limits of government. Rabb was a New Deal Republican serving in the administration of a man who rejected the activism required by New Deal Liberalism. Though Rabb served Eisenhower well, it was Eisenhower who failed to sense the full scope of the problems in U.S. civil rights and race relations.

Cette étude propose une analyse de la représentation de la peur dans la société américaine à l’époque du maccarthysme à travers la filmographie de trois réalisateurs contemporains : Alfred Hitchcock, Elia Kazan et Fred Zinnemann. La période charnière de 1946 à 1954 sert de cadre à ce travail. La définition de l'identité américaine était au cœur du mouvement anticommuniste des années cinquante dont l'organe étatique s'appelait la House Un-American Activities Committee (la HUAC), car le fait d'être communiste était considéré comme une activité anti-américaine. C’est pour cette raison que les trois réalisateurs qui ont été choisis pour cette étude sont tous issus de l'immigration, et que la notion identitaire est sous-jacente à ce travail. Le cinéma durant cette période révèle la présence de la peur dans l'esthétique et les scénarii des films eux-mêmes, mais également dans le contexte plus large de l'industrie cinématographique hollywoodienne. La peur fut utilisée dans la société américaine afin d'assurer la docilité du peuple. Tout ce qui concerne la façon dont une société est organisée relève de la politique. Cette étude s’intéresse donc à la fonction politique de la peur ainsi qu’à la façon dont le cinéma a pu être utilisé pour transmettre un message subliminal au public : deux aspects qui sont toujours d’actualité dans la société de nos jours. / The aim of this study is to present an analysis of the manifestation of fear in American society during the period of McCarthyism, and concentrates on the filmographies of three directors contemporary to events: Alfred Hitchcock, Elia Kazan and Fred Zinnemann. The period of transition, 1946 to 1954, provides the temporal framework for this work. Defining American identity was the underlying focus of the 1950s anticommunist movement, which depended on the interventions of the House Un-American Activities Committee (the HUAC), as being a Communist was considered to be an un-American activity. This is why the three directors studied here were all recent immigrants to the United States, and why the notion of identity underlies this study. The cinema of this era shows the presence of fear through the movie esthetics and screenplays, but also in the broader context of the Hollywood cinema industry. Fear was used in American society in order to ensure the docility of the population. Anything which concerns the way in which a society is organized is political. In this way, this study shows the political function of fear as well as the potential use of cinema in order to transmit a subliminal message to the public; two aspects of society which continue to subsist in today's world.

Magister Theologiae - MTh / The purpose of this investigation is to discuss the relevance of Black theology in light of the emergence of reconstruction theology. It offers a critical survey of a range of contributions on this issue, questioning whether scholars who have used Black theology as a form of self description should shift emphasis, from the paradigm of liberation to reconstruction. The significance of this study has to be understood within the context of the proposal to redirect African theological initiatives from liberation theologies to reconstruction theology. The basis for this call was the end of apartheid in South Africa, which signalled the independence of all countries on the African continent. / South Africa

The objective of this study is to investigate trends in international terrorism since the end of the Cold War, including those identified as “new” terrorism and to determine to what extent these are applicable to the Al-Qaeda movement. To achieve this aim, the study focused on aspects such as the origin and development of new terrorism; the differences and resemblances between traditional and new terrorism; the historical development of international terrorism; the effect of the end of the Cold War on terrorism; and factors impacting on contemporary terrorism. An analysis of the Al-Qaeda movement was done with respect to its motivation, ideology, transnational character, target selection, operational strategy and tactics, and its desire to use non-conventional weapons. The intention was to identify aspects which may indicate whether the movement serves as a model of the characteristics identified by certain authors as a new terrorism. Case studies of the most important terrorist incidents linked to Al-Qaeda, including the September 11 attacks on the US, are included. The study demonstrates that the nature of terrorism as an instrument to obtain political objectives has evolved but, at the same time, it has retained most of its essential characteristics. An investigation of the characteristics of traditional and new terrorism confirmed this conclusion, as well as that a differentiation between these types of terrorism is mostly a matter of perspective. Another finding of the study is that terrorist campaigns have rarely obtained their strategic goals but that it nevertheless remains a popular strategy aimed at effecting desired political change. The study furthermore confirms that terrorist groups do not operate in a vacuum but are influenced by the existing political, socio-economic and cultural environments. As such the end of the Cold War has caused specific changes in the international system which facilitated the rise of a movement like Al-Qaeda and which enabled it to function at a global level. The usefulness of the study lies in the clarification of the concepts of traditional and new terrorism; its indication of the evolving of motivations and strategies applied by terrorist organisations; and in the findings about the current campaign of the Al-Qaeda movement. Copyright 2007, University of Pretoria. All rights reserved. The copyright in this work vests in the University of Pretoria. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the University of Pretoria. Please cite as follows: Bester, F 2007, New trends in contemporary international and transnational terrorism as manifested in the Al-Qaeda movement, MSS dissertation, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, viewed yymmdd < http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04112008-125925/ > / Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

No description available.

I denna uppsats undersöks förändringarna i Sveriges och Finlands försvarsekonomi i relationtill respektive lands säkerhetspolitiska doktrin under perioden 1989–2009, i syfte att analyserahur dessa samvarierar. Uppsatsen bidrar till ekonomisk-historisk forskning med en empirisktgrundad diskussion om hur försvar, hotbild och tillförda ekonomiska resurser relaterar tillvarandra. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att Sveriges försvarsdoktrin inte följs av enkoherent försvarsekonomi. Sverige kombinerar en realistisk försvarsdoktrin med en liberalförsvarsekonomi, och Finland gör tvärtom. Relationen mellan försvarsvarsekonomi ochförsvarsdoktrin är ett resultat av många komplexa processer. / This thesis treats the complex relationship between defence expenditures, defence doctrinein relation to the internal and external politics of a nation. The subject of the thesis is Sweden’sdefence policy and its defence expenditures compared to those of Finland during the turbulentyears between 1989 and 2009. The empirical part of the thesis is based on defence expendituresand the official statements made by both Finland’s and Sweden’s governments respectively.This thesis shows that both Sweden’s and Finland’s defence doctrine during the analysed periodis inconsistent with the development of the country’s defence expenditures. The politicallydecided defence expenditures are not consistent with the defence doctrine.

Late in 2004, King Abdullah of Jordan coined a controversial phrase that still dominates the heart of the geopolitics of the Middle East: The Shia Crescent. “If pro-Iran parties or politicians dominate the new Iraqi government, a new ‘crescent’ of dominant Shia movements or governments stretching from Iran into Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon could emerge to alter the traditional balance of power between the two main Islamic sects and pose new challenges to U.S. interests and allies. What the King of Jordan saw as a threat, Iran saw as the bedrock of its newfound regional power. However, what the King of Jordan and his Arab-Sunni aides downplayed was Iran’s ties with non-Shia groups, ranging from Sunni parties to secular and even non-Muslim groups. More importantly, they neglected Iran’s presence in the Middle East before the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In fact, the seeming omnipresence of Iran’s proxies in the Middle East is not a recent, nuanced phenomenon; rather, it dated back to the Shah’s foreign policy in making connections with both the Iraqi Kurds and Shia Lebanese. While much ink has been spilled on Iran’s foreign policy under the Islamic Republic, there has been a void in the analysis of Iran’s ties with Non-State Actors (NSAs) in the pre-1979 Revolution Era. v From this point of view, the present study is an attempt to set forth a new understanding of the emergence and fluctuation of Iran’s ties with NSAs at the heart of the Middle East during the Shah’s era. I will accomplish this by identifying the Iran-NSA relationships within an examination of the larger historical context of state-NSA relationships in the region. Here, the story of the evolution of Iran’s ties with NSAs can be narrated as the unfolding of constant interaction between states and non-state forces in the Middle East. Analyzed from this perspective, my research examines the actors, processes, and mechanisms that Iran has used to construct ties with NSAs from 1961 until 1979. “What actors and processes at what levels of analysis and through what mechanisms have constructed Iran’s ties with NSAs?” This is the central question that guides the analytical narrative in the present survey. Therefore, the dependent variable for this research is the evolution of Iran’s ties with NSAs, while the intervening variable is a set of actors and processes that have brought about such sub-state ties. In this framework, the proposed work will undertake these main tasks: A) Tracing the history of the ebbs and flows within Iran’s ties with non-state actors through a geopolitical lens. B) Explaining how Iran’s ties with non-state actors unfolded and understanding why Iran’s proxies evolved in the way they did. C) AssessingthebroadcontoursoftheevolutionarytrajectoryofIran’stieswithNSAs and its possible future path(s) for the geopolitics of the Middle East and its regional balance of power.

The dissertation identifies and analyzes metamorphosis of the US foreign security policy in the 21st century. The main aim is also to identify whether the United States entered a new era with the attacks of 9/11 and whether so called the Bush doctrine was an appropriate reaction to the global terrorism. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter describes the US security strategies since WWII. In the second chapter, foreign security policy of George W. Bush and its metamorphosis is analyzed. The last chapter is devoted to the security strategies of Barack Obama.

The Munich analogy has been one of the most influential paradigms, which framed the United States strategic thinking in terms of use of force since 1945. The 1930s negative experience of appeasement traditionally served as a vehicle of rationalizing open and covert interventions, which allegedly aimed to stop the repetition of World War II scenario. The application of the historical reasoning in the US-Latin American relations since the 1950s contributed to the creation of the Munich syndrome in US foreign policy. This perception of threats led the American leaders to believe that the political changes in Latin America represented a serious challenge to the national security of the US. This study examines the role of Munich analogy and its relevance in justifying the policies of regime change in four Latin American countries namely Chile the Dominican Republic Grenada and Nicaragua. Due to the historical analogy contribution the indigenous political conflicts within these states were incorporated into dynamic Latin American Cold War. Based on the new available official documents and declassified files this paper offers a new perspective on the significant period of the 20th century international relations, whose consequences can be traced even in the contemporary US politics.

The theme of this thesis is the enlargement of the EU and NATO, and Russia's response to such expansion. The aim of this work is to analyze whether the expansion of these institutions after the end of the Cold War is creating a new dividing line in Europe. The analysis is embedded in a constructivist theoretical perspective. I will therefore examine the distinct identities of the West (for purposes of this work represented by the EU and NATO) and Russia. These different identities should cause that the actors perceive the EU and NATO enlargements from a different perspective. Different vision of certain reality then creates tension between the two "value blocks" and thus may resemble the Cold War.